Yes or No for Europe

Red beacons flashing, crash trucks and ambulances waited alongside the runway at London's Heathrow Airport last week as Prime Minister Harold Wilson returned from his sixth and last explora tory mission to the Common Market countries. The pilot of the R.A.F. Comet had heard a suspicious thump as the plane climbed out of Luxembourg's Findel Airport and, fearing a blown-out nose tire, had radioed ahead for emergency help. It was not needed. The plane touched down in a perfect landing, with only the adhering feathers of a Luxembourgian Redwing to show for the scare.

Popular Decision. Harold Wilson must hope that he can land Britain in the Common Market half so easily. Despite some bumps and thumps from his own Laborite Redwingers and a few Tories, Wilson is preparing to make the attempt. "We must not lose the momentum which has been created," he told Commons after returning from Luxembourg. He promised to make the "momentous decision" to apply for membership by about May 1. The decision will be popular; Britain is remarkably united in favor of entry. A sampling of British manufacturers, for example, showed 91% in favor of joining up. Though Britain's cost of living is likely to rise 4% or more because of the Common Market's higher food cost, the disadvantage will be more than offset by the advantage of access to the larger and more challenging market that Britain's underproductive industries so sorely need.

Wilson claims that he encountered no insurmountable objections during his 33 hours and 15 minutes of discussions with the leaders of the Six. He has helped calm Continental fears about the strength of sterling by paying off his massive loans on schedule. In Luxembourg he even went so far as to pledge that Britain would not ask other Market members to come to the rescue in case of another run on the pound, even though the Common Market treaty provides for such mutual assistance.

Matter of Mood. In his quest for admission, Wilson now knows that he can count on Italy, Belgium, The Nether lands and Luxembourg for enthusiastic support, on West Germany for token support. And France? The British believe that Charles de Gaulle might hesitate to alienate the other five by black balling Britain as he did in 1963, but that he may try to delay its admission. A delaying operation by even so consummate a strategist as De Gaulle can not last forever. In the long run, the British feel certain of getting in because they believe that the historic trends on the Continent are working in their favor. As they see it, the Market has no choice but to expand into a truly Europe-encompassing federation that would be at once economically stronger and politically less exclusive.

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