Most of the Way with L.B.J.

Surrounded by tropical plants, tempted by lavish, leggy entertainment and cosseted in garish luxury to the background swish of the Florida surf, the potentates of American labor forgathered in Miami Beach last week to chart a future in which, as one delegate put it, "every butcher one day can come down here and play." The 1,200 delegates from 126 unions were joined by so weighty an array of Administration brass that Labor Secretary Willard Wirtz dubbed the meeting "the first joint convention of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. and the Cabinet."

In return, President George Meany made no fewer than three first-day orations staunchly supporting L.B.J.'s conduct of the Viet Nam war. Calling labor "neither hawk nor dove nor chick en," Meany declared: "We recognize the fact that our country has a commitment, a job to do. We support the President of the United States." Paul Hall of the Seafarers Union sailed headon into J. William Fulbright. "If the Senator from Arkansas," Hall growled, "would do just 10% for the Arkansas Negro as he has said or bled for the Viet Cong, not only would Arkansas be a hell of a lot better state, but this would be a better country." Conventioneers could almost hear a drawling Washington response: "Good for y'all."

Thrust & Parry. "Y'all" is not so all-embracing any more. Despite a record 14.3 million membership, the A.F.L.-C.I.O. faces a simmering struggle with its most powerful single member. Walter Reuther, head of the United Auto Workers and Meany's rival for mastery of the A.F.L.-C.I.O., challenged Meany in a resounding resolution accusing the confederation of "complacency, lack of social vision, dynamic thrust and crusading spirit." The attack might have caused a rousing floor fight, but Reuther chose to stay in Detroit for the

General Motors contract talks, and the battle evaporated.

Nonetheless, Meany's elaboration of labor's status and goals was in effect a reply to Reuther's charges and exhortations. Among A.F.L.-C.I.O. goals, Meany outlined a call for a million public-service jobs paying at least the federal minimum wage, an Administration putsch against nonunion (especially Southern textile) plants, at least 200,000 new public-housing units a year through 1969 and an annual half-million thereafter, a huge extension of public-transit facilities, more bountiful social-welfare benefits, and greatly expanded Government job-training and placement programs. And despite its support for the President's Viet Nam policy, big labor rejected Administration pleas for voluntary curbs on pay increases.

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