Amnesty & Uncertainty

There was certainly nothing irresolute in the way the Greek junta put down King Constantine's feckless attempt at a countercoup. When it comes to less pressing matters, however, the junta is subject to rule by committee-- with all the divisions, hesitations and compromises that that implies. The shadowy power behind the top three leaders is the Revolutionary Committee, composed of 38 young officers who pass on most of the government's decisions. Because this council is divided into moderate and hard-line factions, the junta last week seemed to be somewhat uncertain and confused about just what it was attempting to do.

First, Premier George Papadopoulos expansively told newsmen that all prisoners who had been jailed for political reasons since the military seized power eight months ago would be freed. Indeed, some 100 prisoners were forthwith released, including the most celebrated one of all, Andreas Papandreou, 48, the son of the former Premier. Andreas, who had been scheduled to stand trial for conspiracy to commit treason, got out of jail in time to join his American wife and four children at their home in an Athens suburb for Christmas. The fifteen officers convicted in the 1965 Aspida conspiracy, which allegedly sought to depose the King and establish a neutralist socialist regime, were also released, as well as nineteen former members of the now disbanded Greek Parliament.

Wanted: Royal Silence. At that point, the hardliners, who are led by Colonel Ioannis Iadas, the chief of internal security, overruled Premier Papadopoulos and scaled down the dimensions of the amnesty. Some 2,500 political prisoners remained in custody, including the hard-core Communists on the prison islands in the Aegean Sea and Leftist Composer Mikis Theodorakis (Zorba the Greek), who, according to Papadopoulos' own words at the press conference, was to have benefited from the amnesty: "He will even write a song for the revolution."

There was equal ambiguity in the junta's attitude toward King Constantine. Papadopoulos and the King exchanged warm Christmas greetings, and emissaries continued to shuttle between Athens and Rome, all of which led many Greeks to believe that the King's return was imminent. But the hard-liners have not yet forgiven the King for his attempt to overthrow the junta, and, in fact, even resented his statements in Rome heartily endorsing the government's amnesty and its announcement of a plebiscite on the new constitution by September. Before they let him return, the hard-liners want the King to understand that he no longer has the power to either approve or disapprove of the government's actions, and must learn to keep royal silence.

Prolonged Absence. As a result of the delay, Queen Mother Frederika and the King's sister, Princess Irene, moved into more commodious, and apparently more permanent, quarters near Rome. The King confided to friends that he had no plans for an immediate return. At week's end his Danish Queen, Anne-Marie, weakened by the strain of the unsuccessful coup and flight into exile, underwent a 20-minute operation to end her third pregnancy. Meanwhile, the government in Athens seemed to be preparing for a somewhat more prolonged royal absence. By decree, it appointed an administrative and household staff for the temporary regent, Lieut. General George Zoetakis, so that he can carry on the full official duties of Greece's head of state.

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