Tough Talk

To upset Richard Nixon in his drive for the G.O.P. nomination, New York's Governor Nelson Rockefeller must combine near-solid support of moderate-to-liberal Republicans with a strong showing in the polls. Last week the poll sters produced a mixed bag of returns. Louis Harris found Rocky lagging be hind both Democratic candidates and nearly tied with Nixon, but Gallup showed him leading both Nixon and Vice President Hubert Humphrey, and just behind a surprisingly strong Senator Eugene McCarthy.

If Gallup sent his hopes soaring, a notable defection from liberal Republican ranks brought them back to earth. To the astonishment of Rocky--among others--Oregon's dovish Senator Mark Hatfield announced his endorsement of Nixon, who has plainly labeled himself a hawk on Viet Nam. After a long talk with the former Vice President in Manhattan, Hatfield emerged to declare that he would "actively seek support" for Nixon as a man who could "successfully resolve the Viet Nam conflict." Rockefeller minced no words when he heard of the turnabout. "It means that Mark Hatfield has betrayed his own integrity," he said, "as far as his position on Viet Nam is concerned."

Coafrail Power. It was tough language, but such thrusts were becoming commonplace as the New York Governor intensified his campaign pace. In Cleveland, addressing a crowd of 8,000, he attacked both Nixon and Humphrey by name for the first time, scorning them as "men of the old politics." Neither, he said bitingly, was "nearly good enough" to run the country. To underscore his differences with Nixon on Viet Nam, he quoted a recent magazine article in which his rival said: "There is no alternative to the war's going on." Replied Rocky: "The alternative is the patient and persistent negotiation of a just peace."

Though generating a good deal of popular enthusiasm, the Governor was having less luck in getting wary politicians to line up behind him. In Chicago, he was greeted with cool detachment by Senator Charles Percy--who, like Hatfield, may see a vice-presidential nomination for himself under Nixon. In Ohio, Governor James A-Rhodes, who controls 55 of his state's 58 votes, likes Rocky's style but still awaits a more impressive showing in the polls.

On Capitol Hill, Rockefeller promoted "coattail power"--meaning that he can get more Republican Congressmen elected in'November than Nixon. He reminded audiences of Congressmen and Senators that in 1966 many Republicans lost tight races in urban and industrial areas, where Rocky claims great pulling power. On his lapel, the candidate wore a blue-and-white button with the number 218 on it; that, he explained, was the number of Republicans it would take to control the House. "I'm trying to bring home to them that I can help get it," he said.

Coolly Aloof. Rockefeller is convinced that Nixon has "a great natural capacity not to do the right thing, especially under pressure." While Rocky tried to apply the pressure, Nixon remained coolly aloof. His staff was already planning his post-Miami Beach campaign. Though he stopped campaigning publicly after the Kennedy assassination, he is making forays soon into seven or eight vote-heavy industrial states. Nor is he entirely ignoring Rocky's challenges to come out and fight. Drawing attention to Rocky's extensive and polished campaign (estimated total cost: $1.8 million), the United Citizens for Nixon in Washington placed an advertisement in the "Personal Notices" column of the Washington Star (cost: $40) asking for "volunteers to nominate and elect Richard Nixon." Said the ad optimistically: "No pay; long hours; hard work; satisfaction of helping best-qualified American become President of U.S."

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