Round 2 in Moscow

For Alexander Dubcek, it seemed to be a somewhat more pleasant journey to Moscow than his last one--when he went as a virtual prisoner of Soviet commanders who had invaded his country a few days earlier. Instead of being whisked secretly onto an airplane, Dubcek last week chatted amiably in the Prague airport lounge with a group of his Czechoslovak colleagues. They had come to see Dubcek, Premier Oldrich Cernik and Deputy Premier Gustav Husak off for another round of talks in the Kremlin. But throughout the pleasantries, a tired frown flickered on and off Dubcek's face, as though he was wondering whether, in reality, he was any freer than six weeks ago.

Though the Moscow meeting had been twice postponed by disagreement on the agenda, both sides had ample reason for wanting to hold it. In return for rolling back much of the liberalization of his early regime, Dubcek is anxious for Russia to begin withdrawing most of the 275,000 Warsaw Pact troops still encamped on Czechoslovak soil. The Kremlin, on the other hand, is far from pleased with the pace of what the Russians call the "normalization" of Czechoslovak life. In particular, they resent the halfhearted censorship that permits most Czechoslovak news media to continue making subtle gibes at Soviet policy. On the day Dubcek's delegation arrived in Moscow, the party paper Pravda complained that in Czechoslovakia "one rarely hears criticism of anti-Soviet, revisionist, right-wing forces."

Sad Commentary. The meetings were reportedly working sessions aimed at reaching practical agreements. From the tone of the communique issued when they ended, it would seem that it was the Russians who got most of the work done. Dubcek not only pledged once again to place Czechoslovakia's press in "the service of socialism," but also gave preliminary approval to the "temporary stationing" of Warsaw Pact troops throughout his country--a concession that would legalize an indefinite occupation. Though Czechoslovak leaders have privately pledged that "no one will be arrested here for his political beliefs," the agreement also calls for a step-up in "efforts to increase the leading role of the Communist Party." Most important of all, the agreement provides for reinforcing the party and government with "true Marxist-Leninists" --a qualification that, in effect, lets Moscow pass on the orthodoxy of all important appointees in Czechoslovakia. Having failed to subvert the leadership's intense loyalty to Dubcek, the Kremlin has seemingly decided to undermine it by attrition.

One factor that may work in Dubcek's favor developed last week in Budapest, where Soviet party leaders reluctantly agreed to postpone the worldwide Communist Party conference scheduled for next month. The reason was all too obvious: Moscow's treatment of Czechoslovakia had infuriated a large number of the prospective delegates. Only last spring, Soviet delegates had enough clout in Budapest to win approval of the summit. Now, led by the Italians, Dubcek sympathizers threatened to put Moscow on trial at the summit--and the Kremlin was not ready to submit to that.

Russia would still like to hold the summit meeting, possibly next spring. The price may eventually be concessions in Czechoslovakia--including substantial troop withdrawals. Unless the Kremlin leaders are willing to pay that price, they may not find the Communist delegations in any better mood at the next preliminary meeting, set for Nov. 17.

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