Approaching Deadline

RYUKYU ISLANDS

History of Okinawa reveal distinguished record of conquerors.

We have honor to be subjugated in fourteenth century by Chinese pirates, In sixteenth century by English missionaries, In eighteenth century by Japanese warlords, And in twentieth century by American Marines.

-- The Teahouse of the August Moon.

Unlike previous conquerors, the U.S. has always declared its intention to hand Okinawa and the rest of the 73 islands it administers in the Ryukyu chain back to Japan. The question is, when? During 23 years of occupation, the U.S. has turned Okinawa into an American Gibraltar in the Pacific, a strategic forward base for nuclear-armed B-52 bombers and a logistics launching pad for the Viet Nam war. At the same time, the continued occupation has become the touchiest issue in Japanese politics--and virtually the only political cause that stirs the 952,000 Okinawans.

Yellow Yankee. Last week, Okinawans voted in the first popular election of a chief executive permitted by the U.S. command since World War II.

The winner was Chobyo Yara, 65, a onetime high school physics teacher who campaigned on the simple platform of fukki, meaning literally "return again," or reunion with Japan at once. His conservative opponent, Junji Nishime, called for ittaika, literally "making one body," or reunion with Japan in a more gradual fashion that would not plunge prospering Okinawans back to a "barefoot existence and sweet-potato diet." In the noisiest campaign in Okinawa's history, Nishime came off second best. When he cornered Yara in a television debate on the economic consequences of U.S. withdrawal (U.S. spending accounts for half the island's G.N.P.), voters were only offended at his disrespect for the opponent who was his former teacher. Meantime, Yara's campaign workers pinned on him the devastating label "yellow Yankee." The campaign raged over Okinawa, with sound trucks punctuating the air with the rival slogans.

Yara's election offers no immediate threat to the U.S. presence. The islands' legislature is still dominated by conservative Liberal-Democrats. Yara himself bears the U.S. no ill will, and ran only on condition that he not be bound by the policies of the three opposition parties, ranging from moderate to Communist, that supported him. Winning brought responsibility, and with it, prudence. On the day after his election, Yara declared that his "No. 1 job will be to promote the general well-being of the population" while he works for reversion of the islands to Japan--approximately the same policy as Nishime.

Weapons and Umbrellas. In fact, the election results may have less effect in Okinawa than in Japan. Premier Eisaku Sato, who is up for re-election as party leader next week, sent six Cabinet Ministers to stump for Loser Nishime, and suffered a consequent loss of prestige. Yara's election is a sharp reminder to both Sato and the U.S. of an approaching deadline for resolving the question of Okinawa's status. The U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Pact is due to be reviewed in 1970, and could face massive popular opposition if a date for Okinawa's return is not set by then.

While all Japanese want Okinawa back, they are far less unanimous on the future of U.S. forces there. If nuclear weapons are banned from Okinawa, as they are banned in Japan itself, the Japanese would have to forgo an important part of their U.S. nuclear umbrella--and take on a larger share of Far East defense. For its part, the U.S. is unwilling to set a date for handing back Okinawa until the Japanese resolve that question, or until prospects improve for peace in Asia.

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