WEST GERMANY: A VICTORY FOR SECURITY

WOULD West Germany's Socialists make it? As some 35 million voters went to the polls throughout the Federal Republic this week, that was the most intriguing question of all. The basic choice was between a party that promised to abide by the tested ways of the past and one that offered a more innovative approach to the future. In the five general elections since World War II, West German voters unfailingly opted for security, a penchant that has given two decades of unbroken rule to the Christian Democratic Union of Chancellor Kurt Kiesinger. As the current campaign unfolded, however, it seemed that many West Germans might be ready for something new. For the first time since 1930, the revitalized Social Democratic Party of Foreign Minister Willy Brandt appeared to have a real chance of gaining power. But, as the returns began coming in, Socialist hopes sagged. Once again, the Christian Democrats emerged as the dominant party in West Germany.

Puberty Manifestations. According to the computerized projections, the Christian Democrats drew 46.6% of the vote and probably will win 245 of the Bundestag's 496 seats, the same as in the 1965 elections. The Social Democrats attracted 42.3% of the ballots and picked up 20 new seats for a total of 222. Still their performance fell short of some optimistic expectations. The big losers were the Free Democrats, who had sought to transform themselves from a conservative into a liberal party; with only 5.6% of the vote, they lost 20 seats and wound up with only 29. The far-rightist National Democrats, whose presence in the campaign revived unpleasant memories of Germany's Nazi past, failed to win the required 5% of the vote necessary for representation in the Bundestag.

Though the Christian Democrats and Socialists have been partners for the past 33 months in the black and red Grand Coalition, the campaign accented their deep differences. In fact, during the campaign's final week, a dispute between the two major parties threatened to unsettle not only German financial affairs but the world monetary system as well. Betting on an upset victory by the Socialists and the prospect of a resulting upward revaluation of the mark --which the Socialists favor--speculators flooded West Germany with nearly $600 million in foreign currency in three days. Kiesinger sought to stem the speculation by closing the money exchanges until after the election. Two days before the balloting, Brandt and Kiesinger agreed that, regardless of the outcome, the value of the mark would remain unchanged--"for the time being" at least.

There was no truce on other fronts. Winding up his campaign in the populous Ruhr, Kiesinger played on his favorite theme: "Hold fast to success." It has great appeal for middleaged, middle-class Germans. Kiesinger received the loudest applause whenever he spoke about his determination to deal effectively with student disorders ("We will put the wire-pullers of the riots out of business"). He also did well when he appealed to sentimentality ("I regard myself as the heir and executor of the will of Konrad Adenauer") and to pride in Germany's prosperity ("The modern Germany is here before our eyes"). But Kiesinger, who is 65, offended many young Germans by dismissing their protest movement as nothing more than a "political puberty manifestation." On policy toward the Communist nations, Kiesinger stood by his party's old hard line, refusing to make any new concessions to the Soviets.

General Accommodation. The Socialist candidates were younger and more flexible. "We will create the modern Germany" was their slogan, and they directed their campaign mainly to potential new supporters--restless members of the middle class, white-collar workers, Catholics and younger voters. Economics Minister Karl Schiller, a witty former professor who has emerged as West Germany's most popular politician, won votes among the young by ordering security guards to admit them to overcrowded rally halls. "Let them sit on the floor!" he cried.

Willy Brandt, who in the past waged informal campaigns, was more aloof, befitting his position as Foreign Minister in the Grand Coalition. He impressed audiences by alluding to his high standing in diplomatic circles. On relations with the Communists, Brandt advocated at least partial diplomatic recognition of East Germany, renunciation of claims to former German territory now held by Poland, and a general accommodation with the Soviet Union.

Coalition Choices. Under Constitutional procedures, West German President Gustav Heinemann, who last July became the Federal Republic's first Socialist head of state, later this week will call on Kiesinger to form the government that will guide the country into the 1970s. Kiesinger will have two choices. He is most likely to invite the Socialists to enter into another Grand Coalition with his party. Kiesinger could also try to form a so-called "little coalition" with the Free Democrats. Having failed as a liberal party, the Free Democrats might be happy to return to the conservative fold. In any event, the tone and thrust of West German politics once again will be decided by the party that has promised to give them "no experiments."

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