Setback for Ostpolitik

German unity is a possibility, nothing more but nothing less.

With those words, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt last January sought to underscore the uncertain outlook for his celebrated Ostpolitik, whose aim is to close the gap between the two halves of the divided nation. Last week, after a one-day summit meeting with East German Premier Willi Stoph in the West German city of Kassel, even that cautious phraseology seemed too optimistic. The results of the Kassel conference, Brandt conceded sadly, "prove once more how deep is the trench between the two parts of Germany."

If anything, the trench seemed deeper than ever. One reason is that East Germany's Communist Boss Walter Ulbricht fears that closer relations with West Germany might undermine his regime's grip on its 17 million walled-in inhabitants. That anxiety was buttressed only two months ago when Brandt drew spontaneous cheers from East German bystanders on his arrival in Erfurt for the first meeting between the leaders of the two Germanys. Last week, as Stoph came to Kassel for the second session, the Communists clearly were determined to outshine Brandt's reception.

Arrogant Demands. Though West Germany's Communist Party has only about 25,000 members, many of them apparently were bused into Kassel. They were joined by several hundred East Germans who crossed the border for the day. As Stoph drove with Brandt along a H-mile route to the conference site in Kassel's Schloss Hotel, he was greeted by a sea of red flags, cheers and shouts of "Recognition now!" Rightists whistled and hooted at Stoph, but they were outnumbered more than 10 to 1 by the 8,000 or so Communist demonstrators.

As Brandt delivered his opening remarks, an aide handed Stoph a note reporting that an East German flag had been torn down from a flagpole by demonstrators. Obviously prepared, Stoph rudely interrupted Brandt and read a typed statement protesting his treatment. Brandt, ruffled, continued his speech, spelling out his familiar proposal for closer economic and cultural ties between the two Germanys. Then, in a dramatic gesture, he recommended that Bonn and East Berlin exchange representatives of ministerial rank, and that both Germanys seek separate representation in international organizations. His only condition was that both Bonn and East Berlin continue to regard themselves as parts of a single German nation.

In a 22-page riposte, Stoph ripped apart the underlying assumption of Brandt's Ostpolitik -that small steps in minor matters could ultimately lead to a rapprochement. Deriding Brandt's "arrogant demands," Stoph declared that East Germans would settle for nothing less than immediate diplomatic recognition. Stoph also rejected Brandt's thesis that two German states could exist within a single German nation.

Moscow's Order. After lunch Stoph was scheduled to place a wreath on the monument to Nazi victims in the center of town, but West German authorities were forced to cancel the ceremony because of unruly, Communist-dominated crowds. Fearful that the conference would end in a complete fiasco, a visibly nervous Brandt apologized for the crowd's behavior. Later, in a give-and-take session, Brandt volunteered that Bonn would eventually "solve" East Germany's demand for recognition if Ulbricht & Co. would only respond to his offers of closer ties. Though Stoph was unresponsive, he declared on his return to East Berlin that his regime would be willing to continue the talks, possibly m autumn in East Germany.

Stoph's announcement reflected orders that he and Ulbricht received two weeks ago when they flew to Moscow to confer with Soviet Party Boss Leonid Brezhnev. The Soviets have just concluded five months of exploratory talks with the West Germans. The Russians, who hope to gain economic advantages from a deal with Bonn, do not want the East Germans to chill the diplomatic climate by breaking off contact at the very moment the Soviets are preparing to start negotiations with Brandt's government.

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