Britain's New Household Word

I HAVE been heard, heard as no man in this country has been heard in 30 years." When Conservative M.P. Enoch Powell uttered those words two years ago, they seemed less prophetic than boastful. Yet last week, in the aftermath of one of the most stunning political upsets in recent British elections, Powell's words seemed to ring oddly true. In winning his seat in the Midlands town of Wolverhampton, he improved on his own 1966 election total by 22%. More than that, he had given Britain a new household word: Powetlism.

Powellism is a combination of racism, archconservative economics, and a touch of prickly isolationism. Its inspiration is against heavy government spending and Common Market membership, and he opposes Britain's retaining any military forces east of Suez. But Powell's main and most popular pitch is a warning about the perils from Britain's growing colored population. He proposes that the "coloreds," who represent 2% of Britain's 55,500,000 people, should be bribed to go back where they came from. Additionally, he suggests barring entry of dependents of immigrants already in the country. He also opposes spending public funds on decaying urban areas inhabited by colored immigrants.

"Race," intoned Powell in a campaign speech, "is billed to play a major, perhaps a decisive part in the battle of Britain." In the campaign's closing week, Powell's racist utterings assumed a major role. Demonstrators shouting "Sieg Heiir picketed his rallies, and squads of skinheads in braces and "bovver" boots formed guards of honor for him. Undeniably, Powell's message had substantial appeal to blue-collar white Britons, who resent the intrusions of the Pakistani, West Indian, African and Indian immigrants.

However unpalatable Powell's racial views, he at least presents them well. He is not without cultural credentials to do so. By 25 he was a professor of Greek at Australia's University of Sydney; by 27, he was the author of four scholarly books. He speaks eleven languages (including, ironically enough, Urdu, one of the languages of Pakistan). Powell entered politics after World War II, and from the time he first stood for election in 1950 he has never lost. His family life with his wife and their two teenage daughters is characterized by friends as "warm and close." They have a modest Regency-style house in London, as well as a house in Wolverhampton where they spend summers.

It is debatable whether Powell's tactics actually swung sizable numbers of voters around the country to the Tories, but both Powell and his supporters claimed last week that he deserved some credit for the upset. "I have had something to do with the Tory victory," Powell said. "In the last few days the consensus has been that I have done more to help than to hinder my party--if indeed I have hindered it at all."

Relations between Heath and Powell are strained. Heath kicked Powell out of his Shadow Cabinet two years ago after Powell predicted in a speech that blood would run in British streets unless colored immigration was curbed. During the campaign, Powell was an obvious embarrassment to Heath, who nonetheless refused to condemn him outright for fear of splitting the party and driving away voters. After the Tory victory, Powell pointedly refused to pay public tribute to Heath. "To win is the best tribute," he snapped.

At least one of Powell's supporters has suggested that he be given a portfolio in the new Cabinet, but during the campaign, Heath steadfastly rejected that idea. Powell's future power may be decided by how well Heath's Tories cope with Britain's problems of racial tension, Common Market negotiations, law and order, and unemployment, which this month reached 2.4%, the highest level for June since 1940. If they fail, Powellism is likely to become an even stronger factor, with which Heath and other British politicians will have to grapple.

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