Chile: Victory and Violence

THE scene in Santiago was distressingly similar to that in other besieged cities. In the wake of the shooting of the army commander, the Chilean capital was gripped by the tightest security ever imposed in the country's history. Streets were cordoned off and police helicopters hovered overhead. In this atmosphere of tension and anxiety, the Chilean Congress last week confirmed the victory of Dr. Salvador Allende Gossens as the world's first freely elected Marxist President.

The congressional action had seemed assured for several weeks (TIME, Oct. 19). Following Allende's slender victory in the Sept. 4 elections, the Christian Democratic Party of retiring President Eduardo Frei agreed to support Allende unanimously in return for guarantees that Allende would preserve Chile's cherished democratic traditions. Then last week the runner-up right-wing candidate, former President (1958-1964) Jorge Alessandri, urged his congressional supporters not to oppose Allende. Alessandri's gesture was gracious but hardly affected the outcome. In the traditional secret ballot, the 195 Senators and Deputies present supported Allende over Alessandri by a margin of 160 to 35.

Maximum Alert. Violence was not altogether unexpected. Two days before the congressional vote. General Rene Schneider was shot and gravely wounded by a small band of still unidentified terrorists. As he drove to his office along a narrow one-way street, his black Mercedes was suddenly blocked by four vehicles. While one young man smashed the rear window of the Mercedes with a small sledgehammer, another fired eight times at the general with a .45-cal. automatic pistol, and then escaped.

Schneider was rushed to the Santiago Schneider was rushed to the Santiago Military Hospital, where surgeons worked for 90 minutes to remove three bullets from his chest, neck and forearm. That night he suffered a massive hemorrhage, and the following day remained near death. While police erected roadblocks around Santiago, President Frei placed the 90,000 men of the armed forces and carabineros on maximum alert.

Allende and his Popular Unity coalition, which includes Communists and other leftists, blamed "ultra right-wing groups in league with foreign elements who see their interests affected." The Christian Democrats accused "fascist elements." Most observers agreed that Schneider, who was a friend of the President-elect, had been working hard to assure a smooth transfer from Frei to Allende, who is to take office Nov. 4. General Schneider had announced that the army would support whichever candidate the Congress approved, thereby appearing to minimize the danger of a military coup in the event of Allende's election. His stand had angered many rightists, both civilian and military, who believed he should have opposed Allende. Some speculated that the assailants' motive might have been to produce chaos and terror, which would require the army's intervention.

Army Indoctrination. Even before the shooting, Allende had been struggling hard to bolster the nation's lagging morale. "No one need fear the new situation, save for that tiny group that takes the great part of the national income," he insisted. After Jorge Alessandri's withdrawal, Allende in a gesture of reconciliation visited him at home.

Another source of comfort to the defeated parties was the constitutional amendment guaranteeing certain civil liberties that was passed by the Congress last week. In an additional effort to make sure that their voice will not be stilled, the Christian Democrats have bought a chain of five newspapers, a publishing house and four radio stations, and are negotiating for more papers.

Allende seemed to be proceeding with caution. The speed and scope of his program remained uncertain, but most observers believed he would not default on Chile's external debt of $2.4 billion, half of which is owed the U.S., nor would he seek to remove Chile's exports and imports from the dollar area. They expect him to nationalize copper, cement, paper, banking and foreign trade, and to encourage worker participation in those transportation enterprises not owned by the government. They also believed he would work for political indoctrination of the army.

Severe Tests. As of last week Allende had announced not a single Cabinet appointment, but he had reached a formula for dispensing patronage among his varied supporters. Of 15 Cabinet posts, three each will go to the Communists, the Radicals and his own Socialists, and two each to three minor leftist parties. Within the government, Allende will face the problem of maintaining his own position against the Communists, who are better organized and more disciplined than his far-left Socialists. Outside the government, Allende will face other severe tests. One problem will be the M.I.R. (Movement of the Revolutionary Left) terrorists, who may try to force Allende into adopting more extremist policies than either he or his country desires. Another problem is the deteriorating economy. Inflation, which jumped 2.7% in September alone, is expected to reach 35% this year v. 29% in 1969. If Allende seeks to revitalize the economy through stepped-up public works, he will have to contend with an even steeper rate of inflation. Moreover, Allende's leftist policies will make it more difficult for Chile to get credit from such agencies as the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank.

Even in the best of circumstances, Salvador Allende would have faced many difficulties in bringing Marxist rule to his apprehensive countrymen. The shooting of General Schneider only heightened the probability that he will have to contend with an atmosphere of violence.

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