A Spectral Presence

When he turned up for a packed press conference in a wing of Saigon's Independence Palace last week, South Viet Nam's Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky was clad in an outfit that had everything. It was a light blue, double-breasted, bell-bottomed suit with brass buttons--not quite Western, not exactly the Nehru or Mao style, not really a military tunic, but a little bit of each. Above all, it was distinctive and snappy. So was Ky, as he fought for his political life in the wake of his exclusion by the Supreme Court from this October's presidential elections.

First of all, said Ky, the court's decision to bar him, on the grounds that he lacked enough valid signatures from National Assemblymen and provincial councilmen, was "arbitrary and unlawful." Therefore, he added, he would probably not bother to appeal, since the same result could be expected the second time around. "To achieve his ideal, a fighter has ways to fight--legal and illegal," said Ky. "Until this minute, I still follow the legal way to fight." The implication was perfectly clear that at any moment he might switch to other tactics--and that was the point he wanted to get across. "With rigged elections," said Ky ominously, "the strong reaction of the armed forces and the people cannot be predicted."

Charged Atmosphere. Coups and rumors of coups have been an established part of Viet Nam's political life-style since the overthrow and murder of Ngo Dinh Diem in November 1963. In the current supercharged atmosphere many observers have noted a chilling similarity between then and now. Like Diem, President Nguyen Van Thieu has become increasingly isolated from the realities of Viet Nam and dependent on a small group of advisers who, in the opinion of one former Diem official, are "too self-confident and judge too subjectively." But, unlike 1963, Thieu's government enjoys strong U.S. backing.

Nevertheless, rumors of coups persist as a kind of spectral presence. In a showdown, however, most observers feel that the military would not back Ky but would either remain neutral or support President Thieu.

In any event, Thieu is taking no chances. The number of troops around Independence Palace has been nearly doubled, and security has been increased at the main radio station and public utilities. In recent weeks an old Diem regulation has been revived, which prohibits Vietnamese Air Force planes from overflying Saigon. As a final perverse touch, rumors have been floated that Thieu might launch a phony coup as a pretext to arrest Ky.

Electrifying Platform. In this atmosphere, it is virtually impossible to sort out genuine election issues from the Byzantine rivalries between Viet Nam's leading political figures. General Duong

Van ("Big") Minh, Thieu's only official opponent, is seriously considering withdrawing from the race. That, of course, would reduce the contest to the level of farce, a situation which might in turn force the U.S. to hasten its withdrawal from Viet Nam. Largely for that reason, U.S. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker flew to Washington last week to discuss ways of keeping Minh in the running.

Complicating the picture is a memorandum that Ky is said to have given to Henry Kissinger during his July visit to Saigon. The memorandum, which was reportedly taken back to the White House, spelled out a number of basic points of Ky's electoral platform: 1) Ky would not serve more than twelve to 18 months of his four-year term; 2) in that time he would reduce the size of the army and reorganize the government for a genuine political contest with the Communists; 3) he would call for the rewriting of the constitution and would invite the Communists to participate in that exercise as well as in the elections to follow; 4) he would not seek reelection.

An election platform of this kind might border on accommodation with the Communists, but it also might electrify Viet Nam. The general desire for peace is so strong that even a proposal to bring the Communists into the body politic in a spirit of national reconciliation might have overwhelming appeal.

Certainly the alleged proposals fit Ky's image of himself as a national savior.

They dovetail nicely with the realities of American withdrawal and the war weariness of both nations. The only trouble is that they do not jibe with the realities of the situation as seen by Thieu. If the President saw fit, he could use them as a pretext to arrest his Vice President or send him into exile. Was Ky worried? "Many people have tried to arrest me," he smiled. "The intention is one thing. To accomplish it is another."

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