Changing the Old Script

For centuries, the diverse peoples of the crowded area known as the Balkans have exploded regularly in unspeakably cruel wars, many of which spilled over into areas far beyond their borders. In the process, the Balkans --Yugoslavia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania, Greece and the European part of Turkey--became famous as a scene of intrigue and espionage. Mystery writers from Agatha Christie to Eric Ambler drew on the area for some of their best plots.

Now the Balkan countries are making an attempt to change the old script. Last week, in an act that in effect ended a 31-year undeclared state of war, Greece and Albania established normal diplomatic relations by exchanging ambassadors. As the price of reconciliation, Athens apparently dropped its 100-year-old claim to North Epirus, a large chunk of southern Albania populated by many Greeks. The two countries, which since 1940 had icily ignored one another and kept their mutual border tightly closed, are now expected to undertake joint ventures in promoting trade and tourism.

Mutual Fears. The Greek-Albanian example is part of a growing trend toward regional cooperation. The area is divided into five political camps: pro-Western, nonaligned, Maoist, and two variations of Moscow-oriented Communism. But leaders of the Balkans, motivated mainly by pragmatic economics and a desire to keep big powers from exploiting the region's problems for their own purposes, are making efforts to end old disputes. Yugoslavia, for example, has ended its old quarrel with Albania and is granting greater autonomy to the Albanian minority within its borders.

The two countries that cooperate most closely are Rumania and Yugoslavia, which are drawn together by their fears about Soviet intentions. Officials of both countries are in almost continual consultation. This week Yugoslav President Tito will meet with Rumanian President and Communist Party Chief Nicolae Ceausescu on the Rumanian-Yugoslav border, not far from where the two countries are jointly building a huge dam at the Danube's so-called Iron Gate rapids. On its completion next summer, the dam, which will be capable of producing more electricity than Egypt's Aswan, will power new industrial plants in the two countries.

Rival Alignments. If Rumania is the maverick of the Soviet-dominated Warsaw Pact, Bulgaria is its most slavishly loyal member. Nevertheless, the two countries are on good terms, as reflected by the fact that Sofia has refrained from joining in the recent chorus of attacks by Hungary, East Germany and Czechoslovakia against Rumania's independent foreign policy. Even though Bulgaria and Turkey are members of rival military alignments, they are cooperating on several important issues. Sofia is allowing Bulgarian citizens of Turkish origin to emigrate to Turkey, and the two countries have just opened a rail line that directly links them without going through Greece. In turn, Greece is a frequent target of Bulgarian propaganda, but Sofia earlier this year signed a pact for joint economic and scientific cooperation with Athens. Sofia is also negotiating with Athens for rights to use the Greek port of Salonica for unloading Algerian iron ore bound for Bulgarian plants located just across the border.

Greece and Rumania are cozying up by frequent ministerial meetings and increasing trade after years of estrangement. Greek-Turkish relations, which have been strained to the breaking point at least twice in the past decade over Cyprus, now are markedly improved.

Power Struggle. A Hungarian newspaper recently noted that for the first time since the end of World War II everybody in the Balkans is finally on speaking terms. Still, the terms are by no means always polite. Albania, Peking's principal friend in Europe, is still swapping denunciations with Bulgaria. Sofia and Belgrade are still quarreling over Bulgarian claims to the entire region of Macedonia.

Another problem is that the area's crucial location as the land bridge between Europe and Asia inevitably makes it a scene of struggle among the superpowers. The Soviet Union, which has never given up trying to bring breakaway Yugoslavia back into the orthodox Communist fold, has an additional goal --a seaport on Yugoslavia's Dalmatian Coast for its big Mediterranean fleet. In a brilliant flanking tactic, China is showing an increasingly protective interest in Rumania and Yugoslavia; the object is to prevent the Soviets from moving freely against either country without having to fear Chinese retaliation against Mongolia and the eastern Soviet borders. The U.S. is also involved in the Balkans through Washington's commitment to help Yugoslavia maintain its nonaligned status. Thus, while the trends toward cooperation are strong, the Balkans still retain the old ingredients that made them the tinderbox of Europe.

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.