The Polish Connection

It was a merry Christmas for Edmund Muskie. Santa Claus appeared in the person of Ohio Governor John Gilligan, who endorsed Muskie for President, while the beaming candidate stood near by and acknowledged that he could not think of a "better, happier gift." Another present came from the latest Harris poll, which showed that Muskie has gained ground against his rival Democrats as well as the President. Muskie ran the strongest race of any of the Democrats against Nixon, though he still trailed the President, 39% to 43%. But he has moved eight points closer to Nixon since the last Harris poll in September.

The Gilligan endorsement is the most important that Muskie has won to date. The Governor flexes considerable political muscle in a state that sends 153 delegates to the national convention. Not that the decision was easy for Gilligan. His state organization would have preferred him to lead an uncommitted delegation to Miami so that Ohio would have bargaining room at the convention. But party reform discouraged such a tactic (TIME, Dec. 6). Gilligan could have kept control of the delegation by declaring himself a favorite son, but he would have risked looking like a political boss. He chose instead to back the man most likely to win.

Scrappy Fight. The Polish connection, as Gilligan calls it, was made in the strictest secrecy. Two weeks ago, the Governor slipped out of Columbus and flew to Manchester, N.H., where he headed for the home of Maria Carrier, a Muskie campaign worker. Mrs. Carrier had been told only that the candidate was meeting an important guest for dinner. When Gilligan appeared at the door, she exclaimed: "Why John, what are you doing here?" The answer was quickly apparent. Gilligan informed Muskie that he had almost decided to support him for President--so long as Muskie was willing to put up a scrappy primary fight in Ohio. "You bet!" responded Muskie, obviously delighted.

The Gilligan endorsement is no guarantee of victory in Ohio. There will probably be plenty of competition in the primary. Before endorsing Muskie, Gilligan phoned Hubert Humphrey to break the news. Disappointed, Humphrey replied: "O.K., but I've got some decisions to make too, and I may be seeing you in Ohio." Humphrey has considerable labor support in the state; disgruntled with Gilligan's Muskie endorsement, the AFL-CIO hierarchy plans to file labor delegate candidates for Humphrey and possibly other contenders. George McGovern also intends to put up a battle.

Lining Up. But the Muskie forces are confident of winning with Gilligan's help. They are also optimistic about the seven earlier primaries in March and April--with the single exception of Florida, where a badly splintered vote may elect George Wallace.

Other key politicians are beginning to fall into line behind Muskie; both Pennsylvania Governor Milton Shapp and Illinois Senator Adlai Stevenson III are expected by Muskie strategists to endorse their man soon. Muskie now stands about where John Kennedy did in 1959--beginning to pull ahead of his rivals but still not a sure thing. Muskie lacks the Kennedy bravura; sometimes criticized for indecisiveness, he has not yet demonstrated that he could galvanize the country. On the other hand, he has an advantage that J.F.K. did not: Roman Catholicism is no longer a serious handicap for a presidential candidate. So far, he has not made the kind of fatal mistake that many have predicted he would commit. Rather than having to justify his past, he is able to concentrate exclusively on the hurdles ahead.

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