The Greening of Ulster?

Once in a while there are signs that common sense might yet find common ground for a political solution to end Ulster's agony. Last week the British government published its long-awaited "Green Paper"* on the province's future. As forecast by TIME two weeks ago, it is a no-nonsense document that clearly shows that British patience with Ulster's warring factions is running out. Nevertheless, it is so carefully put together that almost everybody--except the most uncompromising Catholics and Protestants, such as the Irish Republican Army and the Ulster Vanguard--seemed to find something in it to respect. Brian Faulkner, Protestant leader of Ulster's dominant Unionist Party, said that the paper contained "clear and logical proposals." John Hume, a Bogside Catholic member of the Social Democratic and Labor Party, thought it showed "the first glimmerings of reality." Prime Minister Jack Lynch of the Republic of Ireland called it "a useful contribution."

Blunt Basis. The document was designed to promote discussion between the province's political leaders and the paper's sponsor, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland William Whitelaw, on a new Ulster constitution. But the Green Paper makes clear that Britain will not be swayed from some specific intentions. Among them 1) Northern Ireland will remain part of Britain as long as a majority of its citizens want it to, but it will do so only on Britain's terms (which include continuing Westminster control of internal security); 2) the Catholic minority must have more say in any future Ulster government (preferably a regional assembly, modeled perhaps along the lines of the Greater London Council); 3) in addition, any future administration must recognize the province's "position within Ireland as a whole," perhaps setting up some joint bodies to discuss economic and security problems.

Discussing his Green Paper at a press conference in London, Whitelaw contended that Ulstermen "must face facts as they are and not as they may either think they ought to be, or hope they would be." On that blunt basis, the political parties of Northern Ireland will be given until next March to evolve a formula for a new constitution. Before then, Ulster will be asked to vote on whether it wishes to remain within the United Kingdom or join with the Republic of Ireland. As a prelude to that plebiscite, the Dublin government plans a referendum on whether the Irish constitution should continue to grant a "special position" within the republic to the Roman Catholic Church. The existing provision has long been cited by Ulster Protestants as a major argument against reunion with the South.

Whatever happens, there is no guarantee that the sectarian violence will suddenly end, although it is encouraging that tension has noticeably eased in downtown Belfast of late. Stores and bars are crowded again; behind their protective steel-mesh window screens, merchants are putting up Christmas displays. The bombings, though less frequent in the past month, are still horrifying when they do occur. Last week, in a Catholic section of Belfast's dockyards area, a car exploded outside a pub. Near by, children in Halloween costumes were dancing around a bonfire. Two girls, aged four and six, were killed by flying pieces of metal. The father of one recognized his daughter from her blood-soaked Halloween mask.

* In Britain, a Green Paper usually outlines the government's general thinking on a subject and invites wide discussion; a White Paper is a statement of government policy.

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