What's in the Bottle?

In Richard Nixon's "Year of Europe," it was to be expected that Continental leaders would be visiting Washington. Thus West German Chancellor Willy Brandt may not have felt uniquely favored last March when the President invited him to drop by. But by the time the visit rolled around last week, it had acquired some piquancy. Brandt would be the first European leader to talk to Nixon since Presidential Adviser Henry Kissinger called for "a new Atlantic Charter" to guide U.S.-European relations (TIME, May 7). And then, of course, there was Watergate. Would Brandt, as the Frankfurter Rundschau predicted, find himself sitting down with "a man whose self-confidence has been deeply shattered"?

He did not. During his three-day visit, the Chancellor encountered a friendly but firm President. For instance, Nixon confirmed that the new U.S. concept of an Atlantic Charter leaned heavily on an old idea: Washington's long-held belief that political, economic and defense issues should be directly linked together in consideration of U.S.-European partnership. It is an idea that has been strongly resisted by Western Europe, which suspects (with good reason) that the U.S. wants to use European defense needs as leverage to extract trade concessions. Brandt made it perfectly clear to Nixon that Western Europe still opposes the linkage approach. Mixing up the issues, he said, posed a danger of "poisoning relations in an area where it is not necessary."

Brandt diplomatically praised Kissinger's charter speech for demonstrating Washington's renewed interest in European affairs. "It is very good for all of us," he told Nixon. But he also emphasized that detailed, practical discussions were more important than enunciation of outlines and principles. "What matters now is what is in the bottle," said a top-ranking West German official. "We should now not concentrate on the label but on the content. When we know what's in the bottle, we can put the label on it."

Brandt floated the idea of a series of group summit meetings next fall during Nixon's proposed tour of Western Europe, which, it was announced last week, will include visits to NATO and EEC headquarters in Brussels. The tour, Brandt told the National Press Club, would provide a chance for "finding the highest working level possible for discussion between the President of the U.S. and the statesmen of Europe who wish to participate." The White House withheld judgment on Brandt's suggestion. However, Nixon has resisted group summitry in the past, believing it offers too much temptation for posturing and fruitless debate.

The Brandt visit had some lighter moments. The Chancellor slipped off for some fishing aboard the U.S. Naval Academy commandant's yacht. The only catch was a small rockfish landed by a U.S. protocol officer. The next day, when Nixon received him at the White House, Brandt complained: "There is only one fish in the Chesapeake Bay." Nixon, who had delivered his traumatic Watergate speech the night before, was in an effusive, bantering mood. To the delight of photographers, Nixon took Brandt by the arm several times to change his position "so we will have very good pictures."

At a state dinner in the White House that night, the President mentioned a visit to Bonn several years ago when Brandt was opposition leader. The President recalled having told him: "Well, Mr. Brandt, don't give up. You know, you can come back. I am the expert on coming back."

The formal talks between the two leaders also reflected some rapport. Both men agreed that monetary reform could be expected to take shape soon, and that in the meantime existing stop-gap measures were sufficient. Brandt welcomed Nixon's assurances that the U.S. does not intend a unilateral withdrawal of forces from Europe; Nixon, in turn, found Brandt fundamentally sympathetic to Western Europe's shouldering a bigger share of the cost of the U.S. commitment. Brandt and Nixon also agreed on basic approaches in their individual upcoming talks with Soviet Leader Leonid Brezhnev, who will visit Bonn later this month and Washington in June.

As further preparation for Brezhnev's historic trip to Washington--the first by a Soviet leader since Nikita Khrushchev visited President Eisenhower in 1959--Henry Kissinger flew to Moscow at week's end to discuss the agenda. Brezhnev in effect had tendered him an advance welcome. In a speech--on May Day, Brezhnev talked warmly of "the favorable development of Soviet-American relations." That may be why the Soviet press has barely mentioned Watergate.

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