Enter the Admiral

Francisco Franco has long sworn that he would remain in power "as long as God grants me life and a clear mind." Last week the wizened 80-year-old Caudillo stood erect for two hours while taking the salute at a Madrid parade marking the 34th anniversary of his Civil War victory. He then went off on one of his routine fishing trips and even attended a bullfight. But late in the week, after that impressive display of either vigor or iron will, Franco announced that he was stepping down as President and head of government. His successor: crusty, authoritarian Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco, 70. It was far from a total retirement, since Franco remains chief of state (the nation's highest post) and head of the armed forces. Thus he continues as Carrero Blanco's superior. But never before in his 37-year political career had the diminutive (5 ft. 3 in.) generalissimo ever relinquished a post.

Inured as they were to constantly recurring rumors that El Caudillo was ailing or senile or about to quit, Spaniards were nonetheless taken unawares.

What surprised them more than the appointment of Carrero Blanco was the fact that Franco had finally come to a decision. The admiral has been Franco's closest crony and top subordinate for many years, and has served his leader in government posts ever since the end of the Civil War in 1939. The two men share similarly hostile views toward liberalism, socialism and Communism. Spaniards say that Carrero Blanco "is more Franco than Franco himself." The author of several works on naval history, stocky, black-browed Admiral Carrero Blanco once summed up his feelings on political change this way: "Let no one, from without or within, harbor the least hope of being able to alter in any respect our institutional system."

Day to Day. The title of President is somewhat misleading. Carrero Blanco in effect will be Spain's Prime Minister, in charge of the day-to-day operation of the government with the power to name his own Cabinet. Once the present set of ministers resigns, as required by the constitution, he is expected to name several replacements.

Among those most likely to go: pro-American Foreign Minister Gregorio Lopez Bravo, who was responsible for Spain's diplomatic recognition of East Germany and China, and Justice Minister Tomas Garicano Gofti, who evidently fell from favor when he ordered police not to use firearms during this year's May Day demonstrations. One policeman died in ambush, triggering a later protest by Spanish police.

No major policy changes were expected, but there was speculation that the armed forces and the Falange --Franco's oldtime political party, now absorbed into the National Movement, as Spain's one legal party is called --would rise in influence. Carrero Blanco is believed to maintain an affection for veteran Falangists who fought long ago for Franco; he may well decide that it is time for them to be allowed to reassert themselves. Correspondingly, the power of technocrats affiliated with the modernist, religio-political movement known as Opus Dei might decline.

The reshuffle was expected to have little effect on the position of Prince Juan Carlos, 35, who was named by Franco in July 1969 to be his eventual successor as chief of state. Who was the prince's chief mentor in his long training to assume the throne?

Carrero Blanco.

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