Artful Dodging

Prime Minister Harold Wilson is the Artful Dodger of British politics. Throughout his long parliamentary career, he has demonstrated an uncanny ability to move swiftly from position to position as the moment dictates. In the days immediately following last month's election, Wilson sounded almost as conservative as Tory Leader Edward Heath in talking about the need for national unity to solve Britain's economic problems. But last week, in the Queen's speech from the throne outlining the government's policy for the year ahead, Wilson seemed very much an orthodox socialist.

The change of heart, such as it was, was dictated at least in part by Wilson's need to placate leftists in his Labor Party, who were worried that the Prime Minister had gone soft on business. Far from it. In the speech from the throne, which was written by Wilson and his top aides and delivered tonelessly to peers and commoners in the House of Lords by a crowned and jeweled Queen Elizabeth, the government lived up to Labor's campaign pledges by promising to nationalize the shipbuilding and aircraft industries, put potential sites for housing under government control, and buy up 51% of the North Sea interests of companies drilling for oil in Britain's offshore reserve. In addition, a National Enterprise Board will be set up to further nationalization, in whole or in part, of other industries. The board will offer cash-starved businesses the funds that they need to prevent bankruptcy, in exchange for partial government ownership and representation in management.

In fact, the troubled shipbuilding and aircraft industries are already heavily dependent on government support, but other parts of Labor's package are more controversial. Critics of the government fear that taking over the North Sea oil might delay energy development that Britain desperately needs by causing the companies, mostly American, to look for safer, more profitable areas where they can place their capital. The National Enterprise Board, which will be run by Anthony Wedgwood Benn, the doctrinaire Minister of Industry, fills British businessmen with dread. They view it as a not-so-subtle tool for wholesale nationalization.

Valid Points. Lest anyone think that his new program meant that Wilson was a captive of the left, he severely rebuked three prominent leftists in his Cabinet for publicly disagreeing with the government's policy toward South Africa. If they could not support the government, he told them bluntly, they had one choice--to get out. As for the program itself, it remains to be seen how--and how fast--Wilson intends to carry out the program. In any case, as Heath quickly pointed out in the House of Commons, the government proposals are largely irrelevant to Britain's present problems: how to slow inflation and boost the economy at the same time. Conservatives charged that nationalization of oil would only worsen Britain's already serious balance of payments deficit, which is expected to reach $10 billion this year. Reason: buying majority interest in the American firms would only exacerbate the deficit by sending several billion dollars to the U.S.

Valid as Heath's points were, his desultory, halfhearted riposte pointed up Britain's lack of a strong Conservative alternative to Labor. In commenting on Wilson's references to economic crisis, Heath spent much of the debate following the throne speech in a tired, I-told-you-so reprise of the recent campaign, self-righteously observing that he had said things would get worse. Wilson merely pointed his finger back, recalling that he too had said things would get worse.

The embarrassing absence of applause that followed Heath's speech indicated clearly that he is now no more than a caretaker leader of the Tories. As a three-time loser, Heath would undoubtedly be ousted as party leader--if only there were someone to replace him. At week's end a group of Tory backbenchers, the powerful 1922 Committee, gave him a rousing vote of nonsupport. Of the 21 attending a meeting of the committee, only two said they were for Heath. However, Heath's own preferred successor, former Northern Ireland Proconsul William Whitelaw, is disparaged by much of the party as an amiable lightweight. At the same time, former Party Chairman Edward du Cann, a successful financier and a leader of the party's right wing, is suspected by many as a schemer.

And finally there is the case of the man whom many Tories saw as Heath's most attractive successor, Sir Keith Joseph, onetime Social Services Minister. Sir Keith has been laid low by a severe case of political harakiri. In a singularly maladroit (and largely inaccurate) speech early last month, he attacked the British lower classes for promiscuity and excessive breeding practices. Because of this, he is not expected to survive politically.

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so viewer discretion is required.