Chasing New Hampshire

Like some north-woods bear coming out of hibernation, the small and inconspicuous state of New Hampshire lumbers into national consciousness every four years. By holding the first presidential primary election, the Granite State profitably plays host to the stumping candidates, as well as to the legions of campaign workers and newsmen that accompany them. And being No. 1 is a source of considerable local pride, much like Mardi Gras or the Indianapolis 500. "I like the idea of our New Hampshire primary," says William Loeb, archconservative publisher of the Manchester Union Leader, who estimates that the 1972 primary brought $4 million into the state. "We have a good thing going and we don't feel like sharing it."

But sharing the limelight is just what New Hampshire will have to do if a band of bandwagoners in nearby Massachusetts gets its way. Led by Barney Frank, a savvy, voluble liberal Democratic State Representative, and Mark Shields, a former campaign adviser to Robert Kennedy and Edmund Muskie, the group plans to see to it that the Massachusetts primary is held the same day as New Hampshire's. The effect, of course, would be to blunt New Hampshire's political impact and to grab part of the first-in-the-nation hoopla.

Frank and Shields had hoped to set up a regional New England primary, in which participating states all held their elections on the same day. But so far other states in the area seem unlikely to join in, and Massachusetts will probably be going it alone against New Hampshire. The regional primary idea, however, has managed to catch on elsewhere. Three states--Idaho, Nevada and Oregon--have all scheduled their primaries for May 25, 1976; Washington is expected soon to follow suit.

Backers of the New England regional plan argue that New Hampshire enjoys an influence it really does not deserve. Its Democratic party, though growing, is relatively small and weak. Its lack of large cities, sizeable racial minorities, and significant concentrations of organized labor make it rather unrepresentative of the nation as a whole. Since the results of the first primary are inevitably subjected to extensive interpretation, it would be better to tap the sentiment of a larger New England electorate.

The reformers further charge that New Hampshire's disproportionate effect on national politics is unduly shaped by Loeb, who controls the only statewide newspaper. In the past Loeb has successfully helped torpedo the candidacies of men he found distasteful --most notably, Edmund Muskie, whom he goaded to damaging tears during the 1972 primary--and has managed to force candidates to address issues he considers important. Says New Hampshire Liberal Democrat Walter Dunfey: "We ought to have the opportunity to have our candidates address national, not local issues. But Loeb bear-traps them."

Road Runner. Quite apart from the special case of New Hampshire, supporters of the regional primary think their idea can streamline a system that is growing increasingly unwieldy. There are already 30 primaries scheduled for next year--seven more than in 1972 --and primaries to be held on the same day are often widely scattered. Says Barney Frank: "The way it is now, we ask the candidates to play transcontinental hopscotch from primary to primary. It's ridiculous. You have to be a road runner to run for the presidency." Establishing regional primaries would also ensure candidates' visiting more states than they might otherwise.

In their one-on-one battle to stay ahead of Massachusetts, New Hampshirites are having none of such arguments. New Hampshire Speaker of the House George Roberts plans to reconvene his lawmakers as late as December to push up primary day (now set for March 2) if need be. But the Massachusetts legislators meet the year round. They are sure they can keep in step with any precipitate moves New Hampshire makes, even, says State Senate President Kevin Harrington, "if we have to hold the primary between halves of the Rose Bowl."

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