Ford in Europe: Blunt Words, Healing Balm

Instead of a conference of 14 heads of government, last week's NATO summit in Brussels turned out to be a one-man show starring Gerald Ford. From 7:45 a.m. Thursday, when the President breakfasted on coffee and croissants with Luxembourg Prime Minister Gaston Thorn, until 6:30 p.m. Friday night, when he ushered out his last guest, Franc,ois-Xavier Ortoli, president of the European Community Commission, Ford dominated the gathering. He met individually with 13 Western leaders, talking candidly and sometimes bluntly. He made an exceptionally firm speech at the conference's opening session, reaffirming that NATO is the foundation of U.S. policy in Europe but warning that "strains and difficulties within the alliance during the past year" must be overcome. He delivered veiled but tough advice to the Soviets that detente had to be a two-way street. After the summit, Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger continued traveling through Europe, stopping for two days in Salzburg with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat to explore the prospects for peace in the Middle East (see THE WORLD).

The trip to Brussels was a largely symbolic mission to overcome allies' jitters about U.S. reliability in the post-Viet Nam War era. In return, West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, reflecting the views of other NATO members, assured Ford: "You can rely just as much on us." A second purpose was to demonstrate that the U.S. is still committed to an activist foreign policy in Europe and the Middle East. Further, in a side trip to two economic conferences in Paris, Kissinger promised that the U.S. would begin building what he called a "new order" in the world economy. He signaled American willingness to talk with developing nations about stabilizing prices for raw materials like copper, rubber and cocoa as well as oil. In a related step aimed at impressing the OPEC cartel that the U.S. is determined to conserve energy, Ford imposed a second $1-per-barrel tariff on imported oil and proposed phasing out price controls on domestic oil later this month (see ECONOMY & BUSINESS).

Sagging Underbelly. Ford's words and actions in Brussels also provided much-needed healing balm for the alliance, which has recently been sorely troubled. Inflation and recession have greatly weakened some NATO members, particularly Britain which votes this week on whether to remain in the Common Market. French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing has continued the Gaullist policy of not participating in NATO's military planning; indeed, he declined to appear at the summit, attending only a state dinner given by Belgian King Baudouin and a closed-door meeting with Ford.

Worse, the alliance's underbelly is sagging badly. Greece and Turkey have been on the verge of war over Cyprus for months and have threatened to withdraw completely from NATO. Portugal is threatened by Communist domination. Italy has made a partial economic recovery, but still faces growing Communist strength in elections this month. Southern Europe, in fact, was the conference's dominant concern.

Starting with his arrival in Brussels Wednesday night with a vibrant Wife Betty, Ford demonstrated that his brand of personal diplomacy was a comforting combination of his easygoing manner and his new expertise in foreign policy. In contrast to Richard Nixon's stiff-legged stride past the Belgian honor guard during a 1974 visit to Brussels, Ford casually strolled along, chatting animatedly with King Baudouin. In fact, the European leaders were as favorably impressed by Ford's style as by his words and ideas. Said a Belgian diplomat: "If American football is responsible for that man's stamina, I'm all for it."

More important, several conference participants who had seen Ford before --among them French, West German and British statesmen--found him much more confident in foreign affairs and acting more on his own. Kissinger was always at Ford's elbow, of course, talking, joking and helping to guide the private talks. Still, Ford carried most of the conversation himself, even cutting Kissinger off on occasion to make a point of his own.

No Solutions. After five hours of sleep, Ford rose at 7 a.m. Thursday to begin a grueling series of sessions that were summed up by the Brussels newspaper Le Soir in a headline: THE ATLANTIC WORLD MARCHES BEFORE MR. FORD. The marathon concentrated on Greece and Turkey. The President met for more than an hour with Greek Premier Constantine Caramanlis in U.S. Ambassador Leonard Firestone's residence, then gave equal time to Turkish Premier Sueleyman Demirel.

Ford warned both leaders not to take steps that might lead to war and said that the U.S. was eager to help resolve their dispute. But he intentionally proposed no specific solutions and did not offer to act as a mediator. Kissinger explained: "The U.S. role will be to help, to facilitate their negotiations, and to come up with an occasional idea."

Caramanlis left favorably impressed by Ford's grasp of the situation and with a renewed interest in bargaining with Turkey. Demirel, who was still bitter about the U.S. embargo on arms to his country, was more restrained. But the Greeks and Turks later began bilateral talks in Brussels in hopes of starting toward an eventual settlement.

After lunch with West Germany's Schmidt, followed by a meeting with Danish Prime Minister Anker Jo/rgensen, Ford took up the gravest NATO concern: Portugal. Suddenly, the warm, relaxed mood of his revolving-door diplomacy turned chilly, as demonstrated by a brief public session with Portuguese Prime Minister Vasco dos Santos Gonc,alves for photographers. In contrast to the small talk and smiles that had enlivened the day's previous picture-taking occasions, Ford sat quietly and gravely; his guest was ill at ease. According to a U.S. official, Gonc,alves became "quite agitated." He was at pains to assure Ford that Portugal was not a "Trojan horse" intending to disrupt the Atlantic Alliance. His nation, he later told reporters, was "a loyal European state and intends to remain a loyal NATO member." Falling back on the euphemisms diplomats reserve for uncomfortably difficult encounters, Kissinger described the meeting as "a frank and useful exchange of views."

Ford expressed apprehensions about Portugal to other heads of government. But they appear intent on taking a fairly relaxed, carrot-and-stick approach. They would offer long-term economic credits if Gonc,alves' leftist government encourages democracy; they would threaten outright expulsion from NATO if it does not. Said an American diplomat: "They are either all the way in or all the way out."

Human Dignity. In his speech at NATO headquarters, President Ford not only reassured the NATO leaders about U.S. constancy but also voiced the toughest words about detente since the U.S.-U.S.S.R. rapprochement in 1972. He called for "a productive and realistic [NATO] agenda for detente--an agenda that serves our interests and not the interests of others who do not share our values." Added Ford: "Both sides should be working toward undiminished security for all." He insisted that the forthcoming conference on European security, which the Soviets hope will confirm the boundaries set by the outcome of World War II, must involve measures "to advance freedom and human dignity for all Europeans," including those living under Communism. He urged, in effect, that the Soviets stop their continuing buildup of conventional military forces in Eastern Europe.

The NATO leaders correctly interpreted Ford's speech as a reflection of his own views. Said a West German NATO specialist: "That is not Kissinger. It is a totally different approach." Indeed, as Ford wrote the final, stern words into the speech during the flight from Washington, he consulted not with Kissinger, who was one of the architects of detente, but with White House Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld, who is more interested in improving relations with Europe than in furthering detente. It was yet another sign that Ford is taking control of U.S. foreign policy--and that Rumsfeld's star is rising.

During the speech, Ford warned that NATO cannot survive if members like Greece and Turkey continue to support the alliance halfheartedly. Said he: "We must preserve the quality and the integrity of this alliance on the basis of unqualified participation, not on the basis of partial or special arrangements." He also implied that NATO should look to Spain as a potential replacement for Portugal as the southwest anchor of Western Europe defense strategy. That is a highly controversial idea because most NATO members oppose associating with Spain so long as Dictator Francisco Franco stays in power. Said Ford: "We should begin now to consider how to relate Spain with Western defense." In any case, he noted that Spain already makes "an important contribution to Western military security as a result of its bilateral relationship with the U.S."

Strengthening U.S. ties with Spain was the next item on the Ford-Kissinger itinerary. After more meetings with European leaders (among them Giscard and British Prime Minister Harold Wilson) and a second day of NATO sessions, the President and Kissinger flew to Madrid. Ford and Franco rode through the streets of Madrid, then Ford lunched with Premier Carlos Arias Navarro and Foreign Minister Pedro Cortina Mauri. Among other things, they discussed the pending negotiations for the U.S.'s continued use of four military bases in Spain. In exchange for renewing the agreement, which expires in September, Spain wants some unspecified recognition--short of NATO membership--of its contribution to Europe's defense.

Some Doubts. After a state dinner at the royal palace, Ford flew to Salzburg on Sunday to take up the problems of peace in the Middle East. The President was to fly back to Washington overnight on Tuesday, stopping for ten hours in Rome to talk with Italian President Giovanni Leone and Premier Aldo Moro about Italy's economic and political difficulties. Ford also was to discuss the humanitarian aspects of the world's trouble spots with Pope Paul VI.

The President was understandably pleased by his reception in Europe, saying that he felt there had been a "general sense of satisfaction" at the meetings. But Europeans still had some doubts about his ability to follow through on his speechmaking. They noted that the 1976 U.S. presidential campaign is about to get under way and that Congress's increased concern about foreign affairs limits the President's ability to act abroad on his own, even though most Congressmen have decided to support Ford's foreign policy for the time being. Nonetheless, painfully aware of the rivalries and problems that continue to divide them, European leaders showed that they still look to the U.S. for leadership and welcomed the renewed sense of purpose that Ford brought to U.S. policy toward NATO. Said Premier Moro: "The solidarity reaffirmed by President Ford has become alive and operative for all." In that important psychological sense, both Europeans and Americans called Ford's excursion abroad an unqualified success.

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