Brown: How the Guru Governs

"I represent a new political generation," says Governor Jerry Brown, "and I have struck a chord here in California. The question is how deep it is, and can it sound everywhere else?" In search of an answer, Brown, who once described the governorship of California as "a pain in the ass," is seeking the mortification of the presidency.

Already he is mortifying those aspirants who hoped to win the pot in California's 280-delegate June 8 primary. The California Poll last week found 47% of the state's Democrats leaning to Brown, v. only 15% for his closest active opponent, Jimmy Carter. The results pleased Hubert Humphrey's strategists, who count on dispersion of delegates. But the numbers did little for the Senator's ego. Brown swamped him, too.

Thus the former Jesuit seminarian with the classical world view who has been known chiefly for his studied Spartan life-style and talk about lowering expectations must be taken a bit more seriously in the Democratic scramble. TIME Los Angeles Bureau Chief Jess Cook herewith examines the Governor's record and his chances:

Brown's "native son" bid conforms to his press notices as the most distinctive politician at large. At 38, he is also one of the youngest presidential candidates of the century. Moreover, since he is one of the least seasoned, with a bare 15 months in office, a more realistic goal might be the vice-presidency. But the heady polls have persuaded him that the longer shot is well aimed.

Staffers are weighing the risks of personal appearances in other primary states where Brown is on the ballot--Maryland, Kentucky, Nevada, New Jersey--while building a skeletal national organization from such bones as Cesar Chavez's far-flung boycott network and activist church groups. Brown is considering a nationwide tour, the better to disseminate his "lower our expectations" dicta, woo uncommitted delegates and influence the polls during the pregnant preconvention lull.

Own Mold. To begin to judge Brown, one must ask how he has performed as Governor. He can claim a number of credits. He recruited young, toughly inquisitive, well-schooled officials cast much in his own mold--administrative inexperience included. (It also helped if a person had been a classmate of Brown's at Berkeley or Yale Law.) He hotly pursued affirmative action: the Governor's seven-person cabinet includes two women and one Chicano; one of his California state police bodyguards is Penelope Cravens, 27, a former stewardess. Helped mightily by a $768 million black-ink bequest from Predecessor Ronald Reagan, Brown honored his pledge to hold the line on taxes for individuals while keeping state spending growth to sub-Reagan rates. He signed into law a backlog of Reagan-blocked measures: new business taxes, a liberalized marijuana law, a so-called Gay Bill of Rights.

But losses and lapses are also piling up. Last spring he maneuvered deftly among growers, Teamsters and Chavistas to win passage of the nation's first Farm Labor Relations Act, which established a board to manage peaceful, ranch-site union elections. The board, however, is currently in limbo. Growers and Teamsters developed second thoughts as Chavez won most of last year's 400 elections. Brown abetted their disgruntlement with ill-considered appointments.

Foot Dragging. Early this year, Brown failed in protracted attempts to solve the state's medical malpractice insurance problem, dramatized by a lengthy doctors' strike. Unaccountably, he also neglected to staff the state agency charged with weeding out incompetent physicians. With 150 other state jobs remaining vacant, many of them important, he is under fire for foot dragging on appointments.

Brown claims to bide his time selecting bureaucrats because "I have lots of doubts about the need for these jobs," only to spend hours interviewing prospects on the theory that "It's important to find people to share my philosophy about where the country is going." State senators joke that "Jerry would need two terms in the White House just to finish choosing his Cabinet." Responds Brown, nothing if not literal minded: "I selected my cabinet very promptly."

A friendly associate concedes: "As a conventional administrator Jerry is a disaster." Brown trusts few aides, often delegates by default, concentrates on the flap of the moment, and ignores matters lacking crisis or deadline pressure, explaining "the yeast hasn't risen yet."

Clearly, Brown's forte is as political educator rather than executive. He has successfully communicated--through dialectical questioning of every program, proposal and unexamined assumption--his own sense of diminishing resources, harder choices and the need to reduce reliance on government.

Lately, however, he has found that national health insurance and Government-generated "full" employment can be squared with his "era of limits." There is also rising skepticism about Brown's blend of Socratic method and Taoist detachment. "The rhetoric isn't translated into policy," complains Democratic State Senator Anthony Beilenson, who generally backs Brown. "He hasn't been an innovative governor in terms of proposing real alternatives." Snipes a Democratic official: "We need a Governor, not a guru." Brown's refreshing admissions that he lacks answers in major public policy areas help restore public faith in the integrity of government. Yet critics dismiss the results as "positive nonperformance."

The "common vision" that he promises to sketch during the campaign stresses "leaner life-styles with reduced dependence on fossil fuels and conservation of natural resources." But he has not explained how he would accomplish this goal. He has not yet taken a stand on a California ballot initiative that would effectively block future nuclear-power plants. "It's complex. I don't know if I will," he shrugs.

Not Risen. An early Viet Nam opponent, Brown is just now toeing immediate international issues. Not without stubs. He insists that "the lesson of Viet Nam is overextension of American power. We're still overextended." At the same time, he doubts that the defense budget can be cut, describes the U.S. as an easily bullied "sap" and argues that "the question is how to restore America's influence."

Yet so formidable is Brown in California today that delegate-hungry Jimmy Carter, Scoop Jackson and Mo Udall must think twice before committing their last primary dollars, hours and organizational talent to the contest. But there are signs that even many of Brown's current supporters suspect that the yeast has not risen yet. While currently preferring him to the alternatives, two-thirds of Democrats polled agreed that Jerry should get more experience as Governor before contemplating the presidency.

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