Learning to Live with Jimmy

"The bandwagon is rolling. The steamroller is on." So lamented Morris Udall last week as he ruefully watched more and more top Democratic politicians and labor honchos line up behind Jimmy Carter.

With 610 delegates in hand (needed to nominate: 1,505), Carter has decided to spend fewer 16-hr, days on the campaign trail and more time trying to unite the party behind him--a goal that eluded George McGovern in 1972 and Hubert Humphrey in 1968. With some success, he solicited support at the meeting of black Democratic leaders in Charlotte, N.C. (see following story), then spent several days at home in Plains, Ga., phoning scores of Democratic union leaders, members of Congress, Governors, mayors, state and local party chiefs. Among those he wooed were Democratic Chairman Robert Strauss, former Chairman Larry O'Brien, Chicago Mayor Richard Daley, New York Governor Hugh Carey and Missouri Senator Thomas Eagleton.'

Most of the Democrats showed prudent and respectful new interest for Carter, but were reluctant to back him publicly just now. Said Alan Baron, Senator George McGovern's press secretary, of the sentiment among liberals: "It is more resignation' than enthusiasm. They've stopped resisting." Some Democrats want Carter to win more primaries before coming out for him. Others are playing hard to get, even though there is no indication that Carter is willing to make any deals. Daley is thought to be willing to trade his endorsement for a promise from Carter to choose Illinois Senator Adlai Stevenson as his running mate. New York Mayor Abraham Beame wants Carter to spell out what he would do as President for financially hard-pressed cities. To make it clear that they are not yet backing Carter, House Speaker Carl Albert and Senator Hubert Humphrey pointedly showed up at a coffee-and-doughnuts session in Washington for California Governor Jerry Brown. Said Humphrey: "[Brown adds] an exciting new dimension. It would be presumptuous to say that Carter has the nomination locked up."

United Effort. Despite Humphrey's showing of the flag for Brown, he agreed in a phone conversation with Carter that party unity is of paramount importance. According to Carter staffers, Humphrey is thinking of endorsing Carter at some time after the last primaries on June 8. As Manhattan Borough President Percy

Sutton said: "Most politicians deal with reality, and reality points toward Carter." Predicts Party Chairman Strauss: "We will have our most united effort since 1964 this November. Carter will not cause the kinds of antagonisms that George McGovern did in 1972."

Senator Birch Bayh was the only former candidate to become a twice-born Carter zealot last week and helped the Georgian roll up a 68% victory in Indiana. Some politicians viewed Bayh's move as his bid to become Carter's running mate. The Georgian was also endorsed by Texas Governor Dolph Briscoe and Henry Ford II. On the other hand, Carter's lukewarm backing of McGovern four years ago still rankles. Said McGovern: "I will support Jimmy Carter with the same enthusiasm with which he supported the Democratic ticket in 1972."

To build more bridges to Capitol Hill, Carter sent all Democratic Senators copies of his position papers and other statements on issues. He will make his pitch in person to Democratic House and Senate leaders in Washington this week. He also plans to court the leaders of the AFL-CIO. Its president, George Meany, would prefer Humphrey, but is described by associates as resigned to a Carter nomination. In contrast, United Auto Workers President Leonard Woodcock endorsed Carter last week.

Series of Clashes. Carter's appeal is powerfully enhanced by his continued successes at the polls. Besides Indiana, he won primaries in Georgia and the District of Columbia last week. He lost in Alabama to George Wallace, partly because he did not try hard for a victory on Wallace's own turf. In fact Carter staffers viewed the defeat as sowing long-term benefits. Explained one of them: "I'm glad we didn't do any better. I didn't want us to rub Wallace's nose in the dirt. We may need him at the convention." Wallace insisted that he will not help Carter get the nomination, but if he wins it, "I could support Mr. Carter."

Next, Carter will have a series of clashes with his remaining active rivals: this week in Nebraska against Church, who has gone all out to overcome Carter's lead in that state; next week against

Udall in Michigan and Brown in Maryland. With the backing of Woodcock and other U.A.W. leaders, Carter seems certain to win in Michigan, even though Udall is mounting a two-week blitz that involves spending "$80,000 for sure, $160,000 if possible."

In Maryland, Brown, 38, stirred considerable enthusiasm among young people and even many party regulars with calls "for a new generation of leadership." He hopes that by doing well in Maryland's beauty contest--he has no delegates running on his behalf--he can ensure victory in Nevada the following week and a triumphant sweep in California on June 8. Because Brown seems to be cutting into Carter's lead in Maryland, the Georgian scheduled an extra day of campaigning in the state.

Quick Buck. As his drive accelerated, Carter had to cope with two embarrassing incidents. One involved Robert Shrum, a disgruntled liberal and former McGovern aide, who quit as a speechwriter after only nine days on Carter's staff and accused the candidate of being manipulative and deceptive on the issues. In his letter of resignation, Shrum told Carter: "I am not sure what you truly believe in other than yourself."

Among other things, according to Shrum, Carter has indicated to intimates that he was having second thoughts about his pledges to suspend the B-l bomber program and to trim the Pentagon budget. Carter denied Shrum's charges, explaining that he still opposed the B-l bomber and would cut defense spending by $5-$7 billion in his first year as President but had never promised to continue to cut year after year.

The other embarrassment involved Carter family members. Several weeks ago, Brother-in-Law Walter G. Spann sold to seven south Georgians, for less than $1,000, half an acre of land near the Carter peanut warehouse in Plains. Carter discovered, much to his dismay, that the investors were trying to turn a quick buck by selling the land as 1-sq.-in. "peanut farms" for $5 each, complete with red-white-and-blue certificates of ownership. One of his sisters, Gloria Carter Spann, bought the first of the several hundred little inches that have already been sold, and her husband has purchased 500 shares of stock in the land sales company.

Carter denounced the tacky deal as "a misleading scheme designed to bilk the public" and "gross commercialization." Undeterred, Investor J.D. Clements of Americus, Ga., boasted that he and his associates could make as much as $15 million in the event that all the land is bought. The group also has an option on another ten acres next to the Carter warehouse. Moreover, Clements said, Mrs. Spann stands to "get a percentage of everything we sell over the original half acre." It was a disagreeable bit of business for Jimmy, but hardly more than a tiny speck of mud on the wheels of the rolling bandwagon.

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