High Marks on His Early Exams

Jimmy Carter is winning converts by the millions with his revivalist, meet-the-masses approach to the presidency. About half of the country's voters think better of him now than when he took office. Almost two-thirds feel he can be trusted; 80% like his informal style. A majority applaud him for preaching against Soviet violations of human rights, running an open Administration and making Americans feel better about themselves. Only in one area do voters give Carter low marks: for not taking more vigorous action to curb inflation. These are the major findings of a nationwide phone survey of 1,004 registered voters, conducted for TIME in mid-March by the opinion-research firm of Yankelovich, Skelly and White, Inc.

The consensus of good feeling about the new Administration is remarkably broad. In fact, 42% of those who voted for Gerald Ford in the election now say their impression of Carter has improved since then. As he begins making hard decisions on energy policy, welfare reform and taxes, this glorious glow about Carter's performance will doubtless pale. For the moment, however, he has brought a substantial lift to the morale of Americans. TIME's national mood indicator, based on a series of questions that measure people's confidence in the U.S., has risen to 47%, up seven percentage points since the election and a heady 2 1/2 times the level of three years ago.

The poll's findings in specific areas:

FOREIGN POLICY. The degree of public confidence in Carter's ability to handle foreign affairs has already surpassed Ford's highest rating: 24% have "a lot" of confidence in Carter; 22% had similar faith in Ford in June 1975. Of those polled, 55% think Carter should continue to press the Russians on human rights, and few believe this will hurt U.S. relations with the Soviet Union. But the public is not as comfortable with his strong moral stands in some other foreign policy areas. Only 39% feel he should push harder for black majority rule in South Africa if by doing so he jeopardizes exports to the U.S. of essential minerals like gold and copper. Only 42% believe he should criticize foreign leaders--like Uganda Dictator Idi Amin--if this threatens the safety of Americans living under their rule. On the other hand, just 29% of those polled support Carter's decision to continue foreign aid to countries that suppress human rights but are essential to U.S. national defense. Half of the people surveyed would cut off aid to South Korea.

Many voters want to give Carter more time before judging his performance in dealing with the Soviets, keeping U.S. defenses strong and increasing its prestige abroad. But 54% believe he has made a good start on improving U.S. relations with allies (only 10% disagree). Forty-six percent support his order removing travel restrictions on U.S. citizens to such countries as Cuba, North Korea and Viet Nam; 39% are opposed. On the other hand, the public heavily opposes (53% to 29%) giving the Panama Canal to Panama, even if the U.S. retains defense rights.

ECONOMIC POLICY. Americans are not so sanguine about Carter's handling of the economy. Only 20% feel he has lived up to his campaign promises to curb rising prices; 31% do not. Inflation is mentioned as the main concern by 42% of those polled. Unemployment ranks next at 28%, energy shortages and crime at 15%, taxes at 12% and foreign affairs at 11%.

TIME's economic-distress indicator, based on questions that gauge how many people feel they have been badly hurt by economic conditions, has stayed at 31%, almost exactly where it was during the last year of the Ford Administration. Only 33% of those surveyed have "a lot" of confidence in Carter's ability to handle the economy (but by comparison only 22% had similar confidence in Ford last October). More than half (54%) think inflation will stay the same--or perhaps get worse--during Carter's four years in office. Among the most pessimistic are Republicans: 67% expect no decline in inflation under him.

The public is widely divided on what Carter should do to improve the economy: 42% want the Government to create jobs by putting money into projects such as railroads, schools and housing, but 48% favor cutting back on present spending and trying to balance the budget. At the same time, people hope the Government will somehow increase public services. Three-fifths would like Congress to enact national health insurance and a full-employment bill in which the Government would guarantee a job to everyone who wants to work.

OTHER ISSUES. Americans have not substantially changed their views on most of the big campaign issues. They heavily favor mandatory registration of all handguns (65% to 30%) and constitutional amendments to ensure equal rights for women (66% to 27%). They oppose busing (49% to 42%), and are against the proposed constitutional amendment that would ban abortion (55% to 31%).

Those surveyed generally agree that it is too early to tell how well Carter is living up to many of his campaign pledges. People are waiting to see what he will do to reduce "unfairness" in American life, help the cities and reform the welfare system. But most think he has made a promising start on moral leadership and putting women and members of minority groups into positions of leadership (see Carter's Report Card). Indeed, feminists and black leaders who have criticized Carter for not placing enough women or members of minority groups in high-level jobs in his Administration seem to be out of step with their rank and file; some 65% of women and 58% of nonwhites thought Carter was doing well in this respect.

CARTER'S STYLE. Whatever doubts Americans have about Carter on some issues, they have clearly become comfortable with him as their President. A high level of trust is expressed by Democrats (76%) and independents (54%), as well as those who identify themselves as conservatives (62%), moderates (60%) and liberals (66%). Only Republicans, 50% to 42%, tend to have strong doubts about him.

Americans are discovering that Carter is farther to the right politically than they had thought. Last October 20% considered him to be a conservative, and 31% called him a moderate. Now, 30% think he is a conservative, and 44% describe him as a moderate. Only 29% of those questioned still feel he is, in the word that became a campaign cliche, "fuzzy" on the issues. By contrast, his fuzziness rating just before the election was 55%.

Fewer than one of five voters think his informal style is unbecoming for a President, and 53% believe Carter is sincere about trying to stay in touch with Americans. But there is considerable skepticism about the motives behind such people-to-people projects as his telephone callin. Nearly 40% viewed it as a public relations gimmick.

The rest of the new Administration apparently remains largely unknown to the American people. Of those polled, 78% could not name one Cabinet member whom they considered outstanding, but 89% could not name any who dissatisfied them. Nor have the people made up their minds about Vice President Walter Mondale. While 42% expect him to be a forceful figure in the Administration, an equal number predict he will not be. Getting better marks are Amy, Miss Lillian and the rest of the President's family. Nearly 70% regard the Carter clan as an asset to the Administration. Even larger numbers (77%) like and admire the President's wife Rosalynn at least as much as they did the popular Betty Ford.

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