Monday, Dec. 25, 1978
Shaking the Money Tree
In the Crossing, a square mile of tall, somber pines and rutted dirt roads in western Louisiana, the small clapboard houses are shuttered, watchdogs howl mournfully and people eye strangers suspiciously. "Folks are talking crazy," says a youth. "They're talking about killing people." Declares John Johnson Jr., a black community worker: "There's fear hanging everywhere."
People are frightened in this obscure, impoverished corner of the world because an ancient political tradition has finally aroused the attention of the law. Charges of bribery became so rampant in the last election that a federal grand jury is now investigating. This week local residents are giving testimony concerning charges that votes were bought to elect Democrat Congressman Claude ("Buddy") Leach, 44. While Leach ran a tight race with his Republican opponent, Jimmy Wilson, 47, in most of the Fourth Congressional District, he piled up pluralities as high as 13 to 1 in Vernon Parish, enabling him to edge to victory by 266 votes out of 130,900 cast. Pledging to file fraud charges with both the Administration Committee of the House and the Federal Election Commission, Wilson contends that some 4,000 votes were bought, more than enough to cost him the election.
Nobody was surprised in Vernon Parish (pop. 41,204), which has long been known for its heavy "commercial" vote, that is votes for sale. Admits William Charles Hilton, vice president of the Vernon Parish police jury, the equivalent of a county commissioner: "I wouldn't have won without it. You've got to have the commercial vote to win."
As participants describe it, the vote-buying operation followed standard procedure. The night before the election, top moneymen met in a private home in Leesville, the parish seat, to map out their strategy. Some $40,000 was divided among men called haulers who would round up voters and pay $5 to $15 per ballot. Each hauler received $50 to $75 for his services along with a free tank of gas and the promise of a bonus if the right man won.
At dawn on Election Day, the haulers began transporting voters--mostly poor blacks--to the polls. Before the people went in to vote, they were given a white card bearing the number five, Leach's line on the ballot. Once they voted, payoffs were usually made in private homes called money houses or in touring vehicles known as floating banks. At a money house next to a Baptist church, haulers pretended to be preparing for a funeral.
Some haulers marched voters right to the polls, watched while they voted and then paid them on the spot within a few yards of election officials. Outside the polls, the vote-buyers kept "bird dogs" on patrol to make sure that everything went smoothly. At one poll, it was reported, Leesville Mayor Ralph McRae Jr. ordered onlookers to back away. When the FBI arrived because of complaints from the Wilson forces, the payoff center was moved to a dead-end street. There, under a towering pine (called, yes, the money tree), some $10,000 in cash was disbursed by two men while a third stood guard with a shotgun.
The day produced a few mishaps. A preacher who was given $300 to deliver his congregation to the polls fled town with the loot. A woman who was paid $5 for her vote indignantly complained to the Vernon sheriff that she had been "ripped off." A particularly zealous hauler spotted two likely voters outside the parish courthouse and approached them. "Hey, you fellas made up your minds yet?" he asked genially. "Here, maybe this will help you decide." Then he pressed $5 bills into their palms. Rather than vote, however, the pair walked off to record the exchange. They were federal officers.
Vote buying is so commonplace in Vernon Parish that many people do not even know it is illegal. Besides, they need the money badly in an area where the annual per capita income is $5,202. Says John Johnson, who admits he used to sell his vote: "Most people are looking at a bag of neckbones and a loaf of bread that the money will buy, not the aftereffects."
Despite the grand jury proceedings, the system may not be easy to change. Leach, who denies having any knowledge of vote buying, is a prominent member of the local Democratic Establishment, which can make serious trouble for dissenters. One official says that Leach indicated he might have some difficulty at a bank where he has a large loan. He claims that Leach told him: "If I lose, I'm going to come back here and kick some ass." People who talk fear they may lose their jobs, welfare payments, food stamps and, conceivably, their lives.
Tension was heightened by two events this month even though they may have nothing to do with the payoffs. The father of a key witness was struck and killed by a car; the parish coroner called the accident "peculiar." A few days later, the brother of another witness was also hit by a car and injured as he was jogging. "I got $5 for my vote, but I'm not talking any more," says a witness. "I don't want to be pulverized."
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