A New Effort for the North

And a warning to the U.S. from Prime Minister Lynch

Six weeks ago, on his trip to Ireland, Pope John Paul II made an impassioned supplication: "On my knees I beg you to turn away from the paths of violence." The Pope's plea did not reach those who needed it most. Protestant paramilitary groups in the North had already vowed vengeance in the wake of August's Bloody Monday, when Lord Mountbatten and three of his party were killed and 18 British troops massacred.

And the Provisional Irish Republican Army, ostensible champions of Northern Ireland's Roman Catholic minority, rejected the Pontiffs appeal brusquely: "In all conscience we believe that force is the only means of removing the evil of the British presence in Ireland."

Force it has been, on both sides. In the time since the Pope's visit, eleven have died in the unending violence. Though the number of active I.R.A. members remains small--600 to 700, against 30,000 British troops and police--their lightning ambushes have grown even harder to combat as their equipment and weapons have become more sophisticated.

The British response has been to tighten security and try again for a political solution to the Ulster conundrum. Margaret Thatcher's Tory government has installed a trio of new commanders in Northern Ireland, headed by Britain's famed spy master, Sir Maurice Oldfield, as supreme "security coordinator" for the area. There is a new level of cooperation between Dublin and London on security measures, notably in a secret agreement that allows helicopters of each side to overfly borders for up to ten miles in pursuit of terrorists.

The Republic has good reason to help: so far this year, armed bandits assumed to be I.R.A. gunmen have made 188 raids on banks, post offices and payroll offices in the South, making off with more than $3 million.

A long-term solution seems as elusive as ever. The Thatcher government has proposed an all-party conference in Northern Ireland to consider new initiatives, but the principal Protestant group, the Official Unionist Party, and the predominantly Catholic Social Democratic and Labor Party have both rejected the proposal. British officials nevertheless hope to get the parties to the table.

The new effort in the North is supported by an anxious voice from the South --that of Eire's Prime Minister Jack Lynch. This week Lynch is in the U.S. to talk with President Jimmy Carter and Irish-American leaders about the problems affecting both the North and South of Ireland. He is clearly no hard-liner in his attitudes. He castigates the I.R.A., despite criticism of his stance from the left wing of his own Fianna Fail party. He is willing to view Irish unity as a distant dream to be reached only after considerable evolution, but on one premise he is adamant: that Northern Ireland is not an integral part of Britain, and must not be ruled completely from Westminster.

Part of Lynch's mission to the U.S. is to discourage Irish Americans from misguided sentimentality toward the I.R.A. Though contributions have been cut in half since 1976, U.S. aid to the I.R.A. still amounts to about $350,000 a year, and it can come in very lethal forms. Late last week a sealed container of armaments from the U.S. was seized in Dublin harbor. The shipment included M60 machine guns, Armalite rifles (snipers' weapons) and 40,000 rounds of ammunition. Another concern is moral backing of the I.R.A. by some U.S. politicians, whom Lynch accuses of hobbling the cause of peace. On the eve of his departure from Dublin, Lynch talked with TIME London Bureau Chief Bonnie Angelo about Ireland's troubles and the American role in them.

On the I.R.A. as freedom fighters: The present I.R.A., the Provisional I.R.A., bears no relation whatsoever to the I.R.A. that existed in the early 1920s and before our war of independence. They have been outlawed by successive Irish governments. We abhor entirely the manner in which they are pursuing their activities--placing bombs in crowded areas, killing indiscriminately, doing acts of violence that make Irish people ashamed. These men are not fighting for a united Ireland; they are maintaining the division of Ireland--the fear and bitterness that exist in the North. It is brutal and horrific gangsterism.

On the I.R.A.'s terrorist connections: It is well known that they are associated with international terrorism. What kind of ideology they have I don't know, but it is the antithesis of democracy. The church has no control over them.

On a role for the U.S. in the Irish situation: President Carter in 1977 indicated the interest of the American people in seeing an end to the violence in Ireland. He would then encourage greater investment and aid to Northern Ireland, which is very welcome. There is also the role of the so-called four horsemen [Senator Edward Kennedy, House Speaker Thomas O'Neill, Senator Daniel Moynihan and New York Governor Hugh Carey]. That people of their caliber are aware of the damage that is being done is very helpful.

On Congressman Mario Biaggi and his Irish caucus: I know that [New York Democrat] Biaggi and the people associated with him have publicly declared their support for the Provisional I.R.A. Any group that has close associations with NorAid [Irish Northern Aid Committee, the U.S. organization suspected of funneling funds to the I.R.A.] is making a peaceful solution in Ireland more difficult. People who give any support--moral or real--to the Provisional I.R.A. are making the situation worse.

On Governor Carey's plan for U.S. mediation: No. This is a matter between the British and ourselves and the elected representatives of the North. But we would be appreciative of any moral influence that President Carter could exercise toward producing a solution between us and the United Kingdom.

On the pullout of British troops: If the British army withdrew precipitately it would give rise to a higher level of violence. If the I.R.A. were freed of the British army, they would certainly step up their activities, and it is well known that the paramilitary Unionists are very well armed. It could be tantamount to a civil war.

On his long-range goal for Ireland: We want to see all our people united, to see Ireland governed by the Irish people. But we want to make sure that the evolution will be by peaceful means and by agreement. Unitary government, one government for the whole country, would obviously be our ideal situation, but one doesn't always attain one's ideals. Initially --and this is paramount--there must be a recognized administration in the North of Ireland that will command the support of both sides. That is the first step, a national priority. What will come from there I don't know. At least I hope that peace will come from it.

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