Low Profile

Green Berets defend their role

By far the most controversial element in the $25 million U.S. military aid package for El Salvador is the accompanying contingent of 54 American military "trainers." They are naval technicians and helicopter pilots, assigned to teaching their Salvadoran counterparts how to use and maintain the sophisticated equipment the U.S. is providing. Just as important, they are teaching them the skills and tactics needed to fight a counterinsurgency war, combat for which the Salvadoran armed forces had never prepared.

The inevitable comparisons with U.S. advisers sent to Viet Nam have shrouded the contingent in controversy and forced it to keep a low profile. The men are under orders to steer clear of combat, and are assigned only to bases outside the fighting areas. The heavy security is also due to their obvious vulnerability to assassination attempts by leftist guerrillas.

The only Americans even close to the field are the three five-man Green Beret "small unit training teams," which conduct two-and three-week training programs for Salvadoran infantry companies. They are members of the 7th Special Forces Battalion based in Panama. All are fluent in Spanish, and most have previously served on similar training teams in other Central or South American countries. TIME Correspondent William McWhirter, who conducted the only interviews given by these officers, found them determined to approach their assignment with cool professionalism. "The only change for us is that there is a shooting war going on," said one combat-experienced officer. Like the other team members, he withheld his name, rank and his unit's location for their protection. Like the others, he also insisted on their designation as "trainers"--rather than "advisers"--meaning that they do not go into battle with their "trainees."

"We're simply trying to teach Salvadorans how to be more effective as soldiers," says the senior officer among the trainers, "how to survive as individual fighters, how to avoid more injuries and incidents with the civilians." Adds another officer: "They're serious about our presence. They accept us for what we can help them do." The lessons do not always take, however. The distinction between a detainee and a prisoner, for example, is difficult to convey. (A prisoner is someone caught in a hostile act, and should be interrogated on the spot.) Until recently, in fact, the Salvadoran army never took prisoners at all. The Americans feel, however, that the Salvadorans' attitude is already changing. Says the senior U.S. trainer: "The Salvadoran officers understand that the war will be won only with the cooperation of the people. That attitude is coming down to all the ranks."

These career soldiers, many of whom are combat veterans, do not hide their frustration over the restrictions on their role. They feel hamstrung by the tight security that protects them against combat casualties or assassination ("a professional risk," says one officer). They would prefer to observe their students in the field, rather than depend on secondhand reports. They are unable, for instance, to assess how aggressive the Salvadoran soldiers are on combat patrols or in firefights with the guerrillas.

Mostly, the Green Berets resent the way their mission has been portrayed back home, where the legacies of Viet Nam have prompted apprehensions about possible American involvement with another unpopular and perhaps doomed regime. "What hurts is the lack of support from the people in the U.S.," says one stocky Viet Nam veteran. "They see us as hit men--macho guys with knives in our mouths and grenades in each hand, looking for someone to kill. That's not what we were trained for."

For one thing, the Americans insist that their role has evolved and changed greatly in the years since Viet Nam. They feel strongly that U.S. ground troops in El Salvador would not only be unnecessary, but counterproductive. Further, they emphasize that, as a matter of policy, they guard against making the Salvadorans dependent on U.S. logistics and technology. "That's something we are now particularly keyed against," says one young officer, "not to go in and force our system on theirs." Finally, for all their frustration, the Green Berets definitely believe they belong in El Salvador. "As long as the U.S. supports this government," concludes one of the group's leaders, "there is a role for the military. They want us here, and we can help."

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