Caught in the Crossfire

By John Kohan

Honduras' democracy is threatened by meddling neighbors

In a region where military strongmen have often held sway, the election of a civilian President in Honduras 2 1/2 years ago was hailed as a triumph for democracy. For a time, it appeared that this nation of 4 million people, the poorest in Central America, might escape the turmoil that troubles neighboring Nicaragua and El Salvador. But the conflict has since spilled over Honduran borders. U.S.-backed anti-Sandinista guerrillas have turned the country into a staging ground for operations against leftist Nicaragua. Two weeks ago, the Reagan Administration announced that it would send an additional 100 U.S. military advisers to Honduras and that the Americans would begin to train Salvadoran troops at Puerto Castilla on Honduras' northern coast. Many Hondurans fear that their fledgling democracy may be in danger. Warned a pastoral letter from the powerful Roman Catholic Church hierarchy last October: "Even though we have a more democratic society, people do not enjoy the necessary tranquillity of freedom."

Much of the anxious talk in Tegucigalpa centers on one man: General Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, 45, the fervently anti-Communist commander in chief of the Honduran armed forces. When Roberto Suazo Cordova was sworn in last year as Honduras' first civilian President in a decade, Alvarez vowed that the army would be at the service of the state. But growing U.S. military involvement in Honduras may have weighted the delicate power balance in favor of Alvarez. Critics argue that Alvarez, who was scheduled to visit Washington this week, now plays such an important role in advancing U.S. interests in the region, particularly efforts to harass Nicaragua, that he has become a law unto himself. They claim he has shrewdly manipulated fears of a Sandinista invasion in order to consolidate his own power. Some Hondurans also worry that U.S.-trained and -equipped Salvadoran troops could one day turn on Honduras to settle border conflicts that helped trigger a war between the two countries in 1969. Says Efrain Diaz Arrivillaga, the sole Christian Democratic deputy in the 82-member Honduran Congress: "The U.S. emphasis on giving money to the military weakens already weak civilian institutions."

U.S. Ambassador to Honduras John Negroponte dismisses the notion that Alvarez really rules Honduras, calling it "a myth that serves the stereotypical view of Central Americans." Still, the return to civilian rule has left a tempting power vacuum. Business and labor leaders know that if they want anything done quickly they must go to the general because problems referred to the President's office all too often become entangled in bureaucratic red tape. The Honduran Congress, which was restored in 1982, has been timid about exercising its constitutional powers, although the recent U.S.-Honduran military talks may prompt reluctant legislators to make a show of protest. Carlos Orbin Montoya, vice president of Congress, has openly questioned whether Alvarez had the power to negotiate the deal with Washington.

A host of economic ills has compounded the new government's troubles. Like much of the developing world, Honduras has found that earnings from its exports (mainly produce such as bananas and coffee) have not kept pace with the cost of imported oil. Foreign reserve accounts are now $75 million in the red, and economic growth has dipped 1.2% in the past year. According to conservative estimates, the unemployment rate stands at 22%, but if all those holding part-time jobs were counted, it might top 44%. The U.S. has promised Honduras $98.6 million in economic aid this fiscal year. Even so, the amount is not enough to bail out the country and finance its ever increasing military expenditures. Says Honduran Industrialist Miguel Facusse: "Our economy is a complete mess."

Fearful that leftist radicals might try to exploit Honduras' domestic woes, Alvarez began to crack down on terrorists after the inauguration of Suazo in January 1982. The Argentine-trained Alvarez seemed to be adopting the same tactics the military junta in Buenos Aires used in its "dirty war" against leftist terrorists in the 1970s. According to human rights activists, 34 people have been murdered and an additional five have disappeared under mysterious circumstances. In April, paramilitary squads gunned down three trade-union leaders. Says Ramon Custodio Lopez, a doctor who helped found the Honduran Commission for the Defense of Human Rights: "The repression is systematic. It is directed against anyone suspected of being a sympathizer or supporter of the revolution in El Salvador or in Nicaragua."

In his defense, the general contends that reports of human rights abuses are considerably exaggerated and points out that the men responsible for the trade-union murders were quickly brought to trial. Alvarez, as he sees it, has been forced to respond to the dramatic upsurge of leftist terrorism that followed the return to civilian rule. Last year, for example, Honduran leftists hijacked a domestic airliner and later held 100 businessmen and government leaders captive in the San Pedro Sula Chamber of Commerce building. Honduran security police have also uncovered "safe houses" used by El Salvador's guerrillas to store guns and radio transmitters.

Honduran military leaders are particularly concerned about a marked buildup in the Nicaraguan army, which now numbers 25,000, compared with the 11,500-member Honduran force. They point out that the Nicaraguans have stationed tanks within easy striking distance of Honduras, while Honduran troops have been kept away from the border. The Sandinista junta has made no secret of its interest in making trouble for the U.S.-backed government in Tegucigalpa. In April, Nicaragua's government-controlled press gave prominent coverage to the founding of a new coalition of Honduran guerrillas, the National Unity Directorate of the Revolutionary Movement of Honduras. The group attacked the "interventionist and warmongering policy that the Reagan Administration has imposed on the Honduran government and army" and called on the nation "to rise up with bravery and determination in a people's revolutionary war."

U.S. officials remain optimistic that Honduras will not be swept into Central America's vortex of violence. Says Ambassador Negroponte: "In spite of the pressure, Honduras is managing its economic affairs responsibly, democratically and reasonably effectively." But Hondurans at the center of the political spectrum voice concern that there will soon be no place for them if the polarization between right and left continues. If so, one of the most tragic victims in the struggle to check Communist influence on the continent may prove to be Honduras' fragile democracy.

--By John Kohan. Reported by James Willwerth/Tegucigalpa

With reporting by James Willwerth/Tegucigalpa This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so viewer discretion is required.