Monday, May. 07, 1984
Jackson Speaks His Mind
In conversations with TIME Correspondent Jack E. White aboard a chartered plane during a hectic week of electioneering, Jesse Jackson addressed some of the most pointed questions raised by his unorthodox campaign. His views:
On the sometimes sharp reaction to his candidacy. Whenever the prospect of change occurs, there is always the inflamed and exaggerated response by the keepers of the gate of the status quo. Many of them are still in shock at the success of this campaign. They know that the course of American politics is changing. They don't know quite where we'll go. So in their panic, they lash out and attack. Every time there is a breakthrough, the politics of paranoia takes over.
On the threat by Nation of Islam Leader Louis Farrakhan against Reporter Milton Coleman. I immediately recognized it as religious metaphor. But it was dangerous language because of the ability to misinterpret it. I think it was more out of naivete than meanness.
On Farrakhan's contributions to the Jackson campaign. He has played a great role in helping to resurrect many people who had politically died or dropped out. In New York, for example, a large segment of the black community had a philosophy against voting. When we marched in Harlem, there were huge numbers of people who had never voted before; Farrakhan was a great factor in making that happen.
On his support among whites. You don't get 13% of the vote in Connecticut, with a 6% black population, with just black votes. You don't get 13% of the vote in Arizona, 3% black, with just black votes. This campaign has consistently attracted more nonblack votes than Hart has attracted nonwhite votes.
On his relationship with Jews. A lot of Jewish people relate to me on a cumulative score of our relationship across the years. There is still a substantial number of Jewish people who remember my standing with them in Skokie [Illinois] when the Nazis threatened to march. Some others remember that in the Middle East I called for a mutual-recognition policy. I've always supported Israel's right to exist with security. But unless you can talk with the adversaries, you cannot help the ally.
On being misunderstood by white listeners. The language of [black] culture grows out of our Christian faith. We gained strength from biblical heroes and heroines . . . People who don't understand my language--I am speaking English--are culturally deprived . . . When I give the example of rocks lying around and ask people to pick up their slingshots and throw their rocks, I'm not talking about hitting somebody. Blacks understand that I'm telling them to register and vote.
On press coverage of his campaign. I think that my constituents see a rhythm of attacks and they reserve the right to their own opinion without being unduly influenced by the media's opinion of a given situation. I think that many black people read the Washington Post and the National Leader and they believe the National Leader. They read TIME and Jet and they believe Jet. Blacks are developing more confidence in their own frames of reference.
On whether he might bolt the Democratic Party after the convention. For the record, we intend to stand our ground, fighting to expand and heal the party. Our intention is to make room in our party for locked-out people, for locked-out Democrats. We're not going any place. I expect to support the party's nominee, and I expect to be supported by the party's nominee. There are more ways for us to realize justice and fairness without threatening to pick up our marbles and go home if we do not get everything that we want. We would lose our influence, the struggle for directing the course of our party and the race with Reagan if we did that.