A Long-Awaited "Embrace"

By William R. Doerner

The nominee wins the support of blacks and Jesse Jackson

They have long been among the most loyal elements in the Democratic coalition, and Walter Mondale has been one of their most respected allies. Yet black voters, like many of their leaders, have become increasingly resistant to the prospect that their support might be taken for granted. That was a basic theme of the Rev. Jesse Jackson's crusade in the Democratic primaries; by attracting three out of four black votes cast, he became, for better or worse, the black community's presumptive political broker. For Mondale, coming to terms with Jackson and other black leaders was a difficult but crucial preliminary to kicking off his formal campaign. The nominee did so after 50 black leaders spent almost eight hours last week debating the issue in a ballroom of the Twin Cities' St. Paul Hotel. Said Jackson when it was over: "We must leave this place and mobilize the people of our nation." Added a jubilant Mondale: "Thus endeth the reading of the Word."

Mondale spent more than two hours sitting at the ballroom's huge central table during the black leaders' debate. He watched expectantly as a motion to endorse him was introduced by Hazel Dukes, president of the N.A.A.C.P.'s New York State chapter. Former Manhattan Borough President Percy Sutton proceeded to voice his lingering qualms about Mondale's refusal to support a specific funding level for a job-creation program. Suddenly dissension filled the room, with some participants loudly agreeing with Sutton's reservations and others demanding a vote.

Amid the turmoil, the ample figure of former Atlanta Mayor Maynard Jackson, an early supporter of Jesse Jackson (no relation), began to dominate the closed session. Recalls New York Congressman Charles Rangel, who chaired the meeting: "Maynard cross-examined Fritz. He did an eloquent Clarence Darrow job." Why, Jackson asked, was Mondale so reluctant to pledge a specific amount for jobs? Because, the candidate explained, he was committed to cutting the deficit by two-thirds and the austerity required might not permit a large federal work program. Did he have other ideas for addressing high black unemployment? Yes, replied Mondale. The lower interest rates brought on by falling deficits would stimulate overall employment, and he would expand programs calling for minority participation in federally financed projects.

A voice called out asking for the delayed vote to be taken. "All in favor of the motion say aye," intoned Rangel. Instantly, the room was filled with a shouted chorus of "Aye." Maynard Jackson leaped to his feet asking that the vote be made unanimous. As a beaming Mondale accepted congratulations, the group chanted, "We want Fritz!" Jesse Jackson, who had left the meeting earlier to make a nearby campaign appearance for Mondale, rejoined the group in time for its midnight press conference. "The course that the Mondale-Ferraro ticket represents is a course that we must pursue with enthusiasm and vigor," he declared.

The civil rights leader had withheld giving what he called a "signal" to his supporters in the weeks following the Democratic convention. He was convinced that blacks were not being given a role within the party establishment that was commensurate with their voting power. Predicting that blacks could account for 30% of the votes cast for Mondale in November, Jackson said, "For that level of involvement, one wants equity and not just jobs." In a flip remark he later apologized for, Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young, an early Mondale supporter, expressed a similar frustration about the Democratic campaign last month, calling the candidate's staff "smart-ass white boys who think they know it all."

In the euphoria of the St. Paul summit, Young conceded, "A lot of folk I thought were smart asses are a lot smarter than I thought they were." Jackson was more cautious, saying that his goal of "peer politics" for blacks within the party "is beginning to take place in ways that are mutually respectful." Translation: Mondale agreed to parts--but not all--of the so-called black agenda, which includes support for certain domestic and foreign policies as well as prominent roles for blacks in the Mondale organization.

Mondale announced the appointment of two blacks to high-level campaign posts. Maynard Jackson will serve as a senior counselor on policy matters. For the key job of directing voter-registration drives, Mondale rewarded a black who had supported him from the beginning of his candidacy: Detroit Mayor Coleman Young. The candidate also promised, if elected, to seek the advice of blacks on administering social programs.

Mondale further agreed to deliver a speech addressing foreign policy issues of concern to blacks. These were left unspecified, but the request raised the question of whether Jackson and other blacks were advocating a foreign policy agenda more radical than that of the party's. One clear priority is a strong condemnation of the Reagan policy toward South Africa; most blacks, and other Democratic activists, correctly believe that the Administration has done little to discourage Pretoria's apartheid practices. On other international issues, Jackson has broken not only with Administration positions but with those of his party's leadership. During his trips abroad, for example, he contended that U.S. blacks share a special rapport with revolutionaries in the Third World since both have been victims of colonial-style repression. Some party leaders fear that such a view could lead to a fundamental rift over foreign policy along racial lines.

Anticipating another field of concern, Mondale took pains to observe that one area of continuing disagreement between him and Jackson is U.S. policy toward the Middle East. The former Vice President thus signaled that he has no thought of accommodating the Palestinian sympathies frequently voiced by Jackson. Those opinions seem to be far from universal within the black community. Nearly all of the 21 members of the congressional black caucus, for example, have strongly pro-Israeli voting records.

Members of the St. Paul summit faced the challenge of settling their differences not only with Mondale but also among themselves. Despite Jackson's success in the primaries, many black voters and office holders have mixed feelings about accepting him as their pre-eminent powerbroker. This division was apparent during the nomination race, when some black leaders felt obligated or eager to join his historic quest, while others chose to support Mondale. The eventual lineups left recriminations on both sides, especially in the South. In South Carolina, for example, black State Senate Candidate McKinley Washington Jr., a Mondale supporter, has complained that Jackson backers in his district, which is 54% black, threatened to sit out his race, possibly tipping it to his white primary opponent. In Mississippi, a new tier of black party leaders who were active on Jackson's behalf has criticized the former Vice President for continuing to deal only with Mondale supporters. Charged Greenville Attorney Charles Victor McTeer: "Mr. Mondale has been slow to recognize the new black leadership in the South."

Jackson's "embrace" of the Democratic ticket probably will not settle the questions about his future role as a black leader, but it is likely to heal for the moment the divisions within the party. "Most of us are big enough to look beyond schisms in the past and look toward defeating Reagan," said Alabama State Senator Michael Figures, a Jackson supporter. "Jesse's message helps Mondale immensely." In a Gallup poll released last week by the Joint Center for Political Studies, 88% of blacks said they would vote for Mondale.

"Reverend Jackson will be working closely with me," Mondale declared. "We will be campaigning together." Jackson promptly headed to Virginia, where he met with 13 Southern state party chairmen who told him he would be welcome to campaign in their region. Despite fears that Jackson could become a loose cannon, Mondale's aides clearly prefer the prospect of working along with Jackson to any alternative.

--By William R. Doemer. Reported by Sam Allis/Washington and Jack E. White with Mondale

With reporting by Sam Allis, Washington, Jack E. White, Mondale