No Yield

Mikhail Gorbachev, supersalesman, was at it again, making a disarmingly simple offer that seemed hard to refuse. If the U.S. would follow the U.S.S.R. in halting all nuclear testing, said the Soviet leader, the agreement would be "some kind of prologue" to eliminating nuclear weapons. In a televised speech, Gorbachev announced that his moratorium on underground testing, which began in August 1985, would be extended for a fourth time, to Jan. 1, 1987. He even suggested that a comprehensive test-ban treaty might be signed at a summit meeting with President Reagan this year.

Seeing nothing new, the Reagan Administration's response was swift and negative. "A nuclear testing moratorium," said White House Spokesman Larry Speakes, "is not in the security interests of the United States, our friends or our allies." The Administration reiterated its objections: the U.S. must continue testing to check the reliability of its stockpiles, a ban could not be properly verified, further testing is needed to develop new warheads for the nation's modern arsenal. The President's aides do not like to mention that a ban would also slow development of the Strategic Defense Initiative.

Many officials were quick to criticize Gorbachev's overtures as transparent public relations stunts. "It's one more chance for Gorbachev to try to make the Soviet Union look like it's pursuing peace," said a Western diplomat, "while the White House goes on endangering the world." But the Soviets' campaign has been effective, particularly in Western Europe (with the notable exception of France), and some analysts think the U.S. should be more flexible. Former Defense Secretary James Schlesinger faults the Administration for "losing the initiative" in the arms-control game. He suggests that the U.S. resist a complete moratorium but negotiate either an agreement for a lower test- blast ceiling (up to 15 kilotons) or a quota system limiting the number of detonations.

But such concessions are unlikely. Even as Gorbachev was renewing his test- ban offer, the Pentagon continued plans to equip B-52 bombers with cruise missiles at a pace that would break the unratified SALT II treaty limits by mid-November. The defense budget passed by the House of Representatives, however, would cut off money for any weapons that would cause the U.S. to exceed SALT II weapons levels. The House also demanded a halt to any nuclear testing above the level of a single kiloton.