Monday, Nov. 17, 1986
Jockeying for Position
A fierce power struggle is now under way among the men who run Iran. The mullahs, or Shi'ite holy men, and their nonclerical allies are preparing for the era after the death of Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini, who is 86 and reportedly ailing. They are battling over such issues as relations with the West and the continuation of the war against Iraq. The major players:
Ayatullah Hussein Ali Montazeri, 64. One of Iran's most revered holy men, Montazeri has ties to Khomeini that go back more than 40 years, to the time when Montazeri was a student of the revolutionary cleric in the holy city of Qum. A year ago, Montazeri was designated Khomeini's successor as spiritual leader of Iran. His clout is already substantial. He appoints members of the Supreme Judicial Council, Iran's highest court, and is the "supreme guide" for the country's universities and seminaries. Other leaders, though, have recently been intriguing to curb his growing influence.
Hojatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, 52. Widely regarded as the second most powerful man in Iran, after Khomeini, Rafsanjani is a sharp-witted and clever politician. His power base is his position as Speaker of the mullah- dominated Majlis, or parliament, but he also has close ties to Khomeini and to the paramilitary Revolutionary Guards. Though his title of hojatoleslam is just one rank below ayatullah, Rafsanjani is no Islamic zealot. On most national issues he is said to have recently become a pragmatist, willing, for instance, to open doors to the West and to compromise in order to end the war with Iraq.
Hojatoleslam Seyed Ali Khamene'i, 47. Now serving his second term as President of Iran, Khamene'i is one of the regime's hard-liners. He has tried to undercut Rafsanjani, so far without success. Khamene'i is a strong proponent of exporting the Islamic revolution and a passionate enforcer of Islamic codes. At a January meeting of nonaligned states in Harare, Zimbabwe, he refused to shake hands with female officials from that African nation because Islamic practice requires strict separation of the sexes.
Mir Hussein Mousavi, 43. Prime Minister of Iran since 1981, Mousavi is labeled by one Reagan Administration analyst as the "most radical in the top leadership." He shuns all contact with the West and is a fierce proponent of nationalization of foreign companies and government control of the economy. Mousavi is opposed by an alliance of conservative clerics and merchants.
Mohsen Rezai, 40. As commander of the Revolutionary Guards, the praetorian army of the regime, Rezai would play a key role if unrest broke out upon Khomeini's death. Even if the transition to a new government is peaceful, Rezai's military forces could make him a pivotal player.
Hojatoleslam Ahmad Khomeini, 42. Khomeini's son Ahmad, chief of staff for the Iranian leader, is a skillful behind-the-scenes power broker. He wields great influence by controlling who sees his father, and officials curry his favor. Ahmad Khomeini has no formal position in the government nor any well-defined set of followers, but his prestige as the son of the charismatic sage could take him far.