China

By Thomas A. Sancton

In early December, students of the University of Science and Technology in Hefei launched a wave of pro-democracy demonstrations that spread to major cities across China. Last week the same students found a quieter way to express their sentiments: at least 1,000 reportedly signed their names in souvenir albums that paid homage to the university's ousted president, Guan Weiyan. The veteran educator and physicist had been sacked for not exercising tighter control over University Vice President Fang Lizhi, an outspoken defender of liberalization who had also lost his job after the marches. As he left his office, Guan penned a calligraphic farewell to his students: "Study hard. The opportunity to serve the country will come." It sounded like a subtle plea not to give up hope.

Partisans of greater democracy in China, however, had little cause for optimism. Purges of intellectuals continued. An ideological campaign gathered force to rescind many of the political and economic freedoms permitted recently by Hu Yaobang, the Communist Party's General Secretary, removed from his post two weeks ago and replaced by Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang. With Fang Lizhi and Author Wang Ruowang already tossed out of the party for advocating "bourgeois liberalism," the purge turned last week to the president and vice president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, who were removed from office. They had been responsible for the administration of the rebellious university in Hefei. In addition, Liu Binyan, a prominent journalist, was expelled from the party for attacking Marxism as an "outdated ideology." It was unclear how many more heads might roll, but little doubt remained that China's latest experiment in political relaxation had come to a halt.

The shake-up left some major questions unanswered. Who would succeed Paramount Leader Deng Xiaoping, 82, who had named Hu to the top party post seven years ago and had supposedly groomed him as his political heir? What would become of Deng's sweeping economic reforms, aimed at modernizing agriculture and industry through the use of Western-style technology and limited free-market mechanisms? On the questions of economic and foreign policy, China's two top leaders sought to give assurances that no drastic shifts were in the works. Zhao told a visiting Hungarian official last week that the "personnel changes will not affect our line and policies." Speaking with another visitor, Deng noted that "China needs further opening" to the outside world. The country's "mistakes," he added, "were due to demanding too much and moving too fast." That appeared to mean that Deng's reforms would continue, but at a slower pace.

There were other signs that the modernization program might be in danger. The State Council, China's executive branch of government, announced that no ! more products would be added to the categories in which prices are allowed to float. An official report stressed the importance of "mandatory" centralized planning. The reformers' emphasis on stimulating consumer demand was criticized in the People's Daily, the party newspaper. In addition, the State Council set up a new press and publications office with full censorship powers and the authority to license publications and close down "illegal" printing operations.

Underpinning the latest government moves was a campaign led by hard- liners like Peng Zhen, 84, chairman of the National People's Congress and a former mayor of Peking. It was a Peng speech defending Communist orthodoxy last November that apparently laid the groundwork for the conservative resurgence. Earlier this month the People's Daily took the unusual step of publishing another Peng address in its entirety. The speech stressed the "four cardinal principles" of the Chinese system, including the leadership of the Communist Party and the importance of Marxist-Leninist- Maoist thought.

The attacks by the conservatives, however, were only one factor behind Hu's removal. Another was opposition by the military leadership. There were also hints of a personal falling-out between Hu and his former mentor, Deng. According to press accounts in Hong Kong and Japan, the relationship between the two men began to sour after Hu reportedly suggested that Deng step aside and pass power to him. Thus, when the conservatives blamed Hu for last month's demonstrations, Deng switched his backing to Premier Zhao, a pragmatist untainted by notions of political liberalism.

Assuming that Zhao will have to give up his job as Premier, the choice of his successor will be a key indicator of China's future direction. A leading candidate appears to be Li Peng, 58, a conservative Politburo member and Soviet-trained engineer who speaks fluent Russian and has advocated closer ties with Moscow. While U.S. officials say they are uncertain about where China is headed, Secretary of State George Shultz hopes to gather some valuable firsthand impressions when he visits Peking in March.

With reporting by Richard Hornik/Peking and Bing W. Wong/Hong Kong