Soviet Union Moscow's Man in a Hurry

By Jill Smolowe

Like a man running out of time, Mikhail Gorbachev did not dwell on niceties. Instead, he faced the 307-member Central Committee of the Communist Party and cut straight to the heart of his concern: the Soviet Union's bureaucracy- burdened economy. With characteristic candor, the Soviet leader faulted his predecessors for entrenching a system that promoted inefficiency, hampered industrial growth and destroyed national morale. Only "radical reform," he insisted, could put the economy back on its feet. In a challenge to his conservative critics, Gorbachev declared, "The possibilities of socialism . . . will be judged precisely by the progress and results of our restructuring campaign."

In some of the most far-reaching proposals of his almost 28 months in $ office, Gorbachev outlined plans for reforming slothful management and industrial practices. He called for reduced central control of the economy and reform in "planning, pricing, finance and credit." He also demanded a "drastic extension" of independent decision making at the factory level. To increase productivity, he proposed that workers share in factory profits and enjoy incomes without fixed ceilings.

At week's end the party plenum demolished any doubts about Gorbachev's strength in the Kremlin by appointing three of his supporters to full membership in the Politburo. Half of the 14 men who now sit on the ruling body are regarded as Gorbachev allies. Most notable was the elevation of Propaganda Chief Alexander Yakovlev, 63, who has overseen the Soviet media campaign to promote reform. In addition, General Dmitri Yazov, 63, the new Defense Minister, was made a non-voting member of the Politburo. His predecessor, Marshal Sergei Sokolov, 75, was dismissed in disgrace last month over the military's failure to prevent the landing of a West German light plane near Red Square.

The Central Committee also endorsed Gorbachev's broad proposals for an economic revolution. But a stalemate between reformers and conservatives on the Politburo compelled Gorbachev to put off seeking endorsement of specific decrees that would put his radical reforms into effect. Instead, the General Secretary pledged to present a detailed plan before the end of the year. As if frustrated by the delay, he attacked with particular relish the subject of slovenly industrial habits. Noting a decline in the enthusiasm for discipline and order that first accompanied his reforms, he charged that "loafers, spongers and pilferers once again feel at ease."

Despite Gorbachev's harsh critique, his campaign for glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) seemed intact last week. Reports circulated in Washington that Secretary of State George Shultz and Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze might soon meet in an attempt to resolve remaining differences on an arms accord, and thus pave the way for a summit. Gorbachev's campaign for "democratization" bore fruit last week as the Soviets conducted their first experiment in multicandidate balloting. In 5% of the country's roughly 52,000 districts, voters chose from a list of candidates that exceeded the number of available posts. Ironically, Gorbachev was not among that privileged handful. When he and his wife Raisa went to vote at Precinct No. 5 in central Moscow, their ballots offered no choice at all.

With reporting by James O. Jackson/Moscow