Playing Populist Chords

By Laurence I. Barrett

Ever since Andrew Jackson led a revolt against big banks and the East Coast oligarchy, populism has been a powerful strand in American politics. The clash between those who represent entrenched power and those who resent it has rivaled the tension between liberalism and conservatism in defining American campaign showdowns. Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter, like many of their predecessors, rode to power by tapping the electorate's anti-Establishment streak.

At first blush it would seem difficult for most of the class of '88 to cultivate such furrows of frustration. George Bush, Robert Dole, Richard Gephardt, Michael Dukakis, Albert Gore and Paul Simon have all made their names by being competent insiders. Yet almost every candidate, with the exception of Bush (who with his pedigree paternity and Washington resume virtually embodies the Establishment), is now trying to mine a populist vein.

Left-wing populism stresses economic resentments. For Jesse Jackson, such sentiments come naturally. He decries the "economic violence" imposed on workers and small farmers by what he considers a corporate plutocracy. Right- wing populism reflects cultural alienation, the sense that liberal elitists have forced their social views on a more traditional majority. Although Pat Robertson's campaign ads brag about his well-established roots ("descendant of two U.S. Presidents"), his success comes from tapping resentments that fed other conservative populist campaigns, including Reagan's.

Dole has tried to pluck both the economic and cultural strings of populism. He preaches that the G.O.P. must show more "sensitivity" and "compassion" for society's have-nots. Contrasting himself with the patrician Bush, Dole emphasizes his humble background. He says he wants Iowans to recognize that "Bob Dole is one of us." Bush's demand that Dole release his tax returns, so as to display his affluence, was an attempt to dull Dole's populist luster.

Gephardt, once rightly proud of his status as a key Washington insider, has become the Democrat most determined to play the populist card. In speeches and commercials, he has designed the finale of his Iowa caucus campaign around a furious attack on "corporate America." In one recent speech, Gephardt castigated the "Establishment" in 21 different allusions with a common thread: "The Establishment is separated from the consequences of its own opinions." His tough stance on foreign trade appeals to a nativist streak that is an undercurrent of populism. Bruce Babbitt's best applause comes when he denounces corporate executives who get large bonuses while cutting workers' benefits. He has called IBP meat-packers, one of Iowa's most antiunion companies, a "corporate outlaw." All the other Democrats soon followed suit. Gary Hart's new slogan -- "Let the people decide" -- also strikes an anti- Establishment chord.

One reason for populism's appeal in 1988 is that the economic recovery of the Reagan years has been uneven. The October crash followed a long period of Washington scandals and Wall Street abuses that heightened animosities toward big shots of all varieties. In a comprehensive survey, the Times-Mirror Co. found 77% agreeing with the statement "There is too much power concentrated in . . . a few big companies."

While many of the specific populist criticisms may be valid, their collective weight is divisive. The us-against-them formulation is often a search for easy scapegoats. It distracts from the disagreeable reality that complex problems sometimes require complex answers, and that they can be solved only at some cost to all concerned, lean cats as well as fat. But on the eve of the first contest, that fact gets lost in the churning competition. The candidates seem to know that the Populist Party's first presidential candidate, James Weaver in 1892, came from, you guessed it, Iowa.