Monday, Apr. 11, 1988
Nicaragua Taking a Baby Step Toward Peace
By Jill Smolowe
If peace is the absence of hostilities, then peace prevailed in Nicaragua last week. More accurately, a fragile truce seemed to be holding as representatives of the Sandinistas and the contras gathered in the dusty town of Sapoa to approve the fine points of a cease-fire agreement signed there two weeks ago. But the studied exercise in trust was only half the picture. At the very moment contra field commanders and their Sandinista counterparts were meeting, other rebel leaders were in Washington petitioning for additional aid. The appeal netted a fresh infusion of humanitarian funds and the possibility of renewed military assistance should the 60-day cease-fire fail. The confusing signals could only leave skeptics wondering whether the threat of renewed aid was intended to buttress peace, or if the threatened peace was intended to ensure more aid.
Both sides called last week's talks in Sapoa "frank and direct," but "distrustful and incomplete" would be a more apt description. They agreed to create five neutral zones within Nicaragua where rebel troops will congregate while Sandinista and contra leaders continue to negotiate what the Sapoa accord calls a "definitive cease-fire." But the boundaries of the agreed-upon zones remain unfixed, when and how the rebels will disarm is still unclear, and the designation of a "neutral organization" to deliver & humanitarian aid to the contras could become a source of dispute, with some contras favoring a commercial company and the Sandinistas demanding a humanitarian relief group.
In Washington, Congress achieved a surprising consensus on a new $48 million humanitarian-aid package. The assistance, approved overwhelmingly by both the House and the Senate, provides the contras with nearly $18 million in food, clothing and medical supplies over the next six months. An equal amount will be applied toward the medical treatment of Nicaraguan children injured in the seven-year war. In addition, $10 million was allocated to help cover the expenses of the verification commission called for in the Sapoa accord, and $2.5 million was allotted to a U.S. agency to pay the costs of administering the aid program.
The determinedly nonlethal nature of the aid package seemed a tacit acknowledgment that the hostilities are winding down. "This is the kind of stuff you send to refugees, not an army with a fighting future," conceded a State Department official. Still, the Reagan Administration won an important concession from traditional opponents of the contras: House Speaker Jim Wright of Texas promised in writing not to block future consideration of military aid if the peace effort falls apart.
"The package will keep the freedom fighters together, body and soul," said a senior White House official. "It also provides the option to get new aid to them if the Sandinistas do not live up to their pledges." But the Administration was nevertheless shaken by the unexpected deal signed at Sapoa. "The contras jumped the gun, got out of control, by signing," said an official. After a Washington meeting last week with three of the rebel leaders who signed the Sapoa agreement, a State Department official contended that the contras had signed the cease-fire on the assumption that it would win them speedy approval of more U.S. aid. "Had they not worked something out, they would have gone into the Easter recess without a penny," he said. "This way, at the very least, they keep their forces together for 60 more days."
If it could be argued that financial considerations led the contras to the peace table, the same could be said for the Sandinistas, who hope that an end of the war will allow them to devote their limited resources to resuscitating Nicaragua's comatose economy. In compliance with the agreement, the Sandinistas released 100 political prisoners last week; the remaining 1,432 political prisoners and 1,822 former National Guardsmen are to be freed in stages. Moreover, President Daniel Ortega Saavedra called on Reagan to honor a pledge made in November to resume talks with Managua once the Sandinistas and contras began "serious negotiations."
There was a noticeable loosening of the controlled Nicaraguan press as contras appeared on various radio shows. But the plight of the opposition daily La Prensa raised questions about whether the Sandinistas intended to honor the Sapoa accord's call for "unrestricted freedom of expression." Last week the daily was unable to go to press because the government was squeezing its newsprint supply. The two pro-Sandinista newspapers were able to print more copies than they could sell.
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez hailed the Sapoa process as evidence that his regional peace accord, signed last August by five Presidents, is very much alive. "The peace plan was never dead," he said, "even though there may be some who wished to kill it." Arias is trying to build on the momentum of Sapoa, urging others to the bargaining table. Last week he met with members of Guatemala's leftist guerrilla coalition and agreed to act as a mediator in indirect negotiations with the government.
There is still much terrain to traverse before Nicaragua can lay claim to a genuine peace. This week top-level Sandinistas and contras are scheduled to meet in Managua to begin political negotiations. The rebels, emboldened by Nicaragua's growing internal opposition, are likely to push for further concessions. In response, the Sandinistas are expected to be flexible. "They're determined not to be blamed for any breakdown that could lead to more military funding from Congress," says an opposition politician. If the contras fear similar censure, peace just might last longer than the 60-day cease-fire.
With reporting by Ricardo Chavira/Washington and John Moody/San Jose