The King and Them

LOOKING FOR ALL THE WORLD LIKE TWO NAUGHTY schoolboys, the opposing leaders in Thailand's civil carnage knelt humbly before King Bhumibol Adulyadej to receive a stern lecture. The essence: cut it out. In effect the King ordered Suchinda Kraprayoon, the general who had accepted the post of Prime Minister despite his vow not to do so, and Chamlong Srimuang, the ascetic former governor of Bangkok and leader of the move to depose Suchinda, to work out some compromise. Said the monarch: "I would like both of you to talk face-to- face, not to confront each other, because this is our country . . . It's useless to live on burned ruins."

Within hours Suchinda and Chamlong did announce an agreement. Suchinda promised that his military-dominated government would go along with some amendments to the Thai constitution aimed at reducing the soldiers' authority; parliament is to begin considering them this week. He also pledged to release thousands of arrested protesters (including Chamlong, who had been ushered from a jail cell to the King's chambers) and to consider lifting a state of emergency. Chamlong, for his part, appealed for an end to protest demonstrations that had turned into riots.

The five parties in the government coalition quickly withdrew support for Suchinda following the King's intervention; on Sunday the Prime Minister resigned. Thus an uneasy peace returned to Bangkok after days of violence caused mostly by soldiers who had repeatedly fired into crowds of demonstrators. By Suchinda's count, 40 Thais died; the true death toll may never be known, but it probably reaches into the hundreds.

To what end? There is no certainty that Suchinda's departure will end the crisis. Under the key amendment a future Thai Prime Minister would have to be an elected member of parliament. But the military proved during the riots that it is determined to hang on and ready to use its guns to do so. On the other hand, Chamlong's forces for the first time united students, workers and members of the greatly expanded middle class, proving that newly affluent Thais will no longer put up with military rule as meekly as they have for many decades. And the departure of Suchinda will do little to quell the demands for an investigation into the military's actions. The King, who has no legal power over political matters but is revered by all Thais, may have to step in again in the future to extend his steadying royal hand. (See related story on page 68.)